University of Missouri,

Univ

St. Louis

ersity of Missouri,

IRL @ UMSL

Open Educational Resources Collection

Open Educational Resources

12-7-2020

Intercultur

Inter

al Communication

cultur

Shannon Ahrndt

University of Missouri-St. Louis, ahrndts@umsl.edu

Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/oer

Part of the Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons, International and

Intercultural Communication Commons, and the Social Influence and Political Communication Commons

Recommended Citation

Ahrndt, Shannon, "Intercultural Communication" (2020). Open Educational Resources Collection. 24.

Available at: https://irl.umsl.edu/oer/24

This Textbook is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Educational Resources at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Educational Resources Collection by an authorized administrator of IRL @

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Cover

Intercultural

Communication

Shannon Ahrndt

University of Missouri–St. Louis

This work was created as part of the University of Missouri’s Affordable and Open Access

Acknowledgments

Educational Resources Initiative (https://www.umsystem.edu/ums/aa/oer).

The contents of this work have been adapted from a variety of Open Resources. Changes to the

original works were made by Shannon Ahrndt to suit the needs of her Intercultural Communication

course at the University of Missouri–St. Louis. Materials from the original sources have been

combined, reorganized, and added to by the current author, and any conceptual or typographical

errors are the responsibility of the current author.

This work was developed with support from the University of Missouri–St. Louis Thomas Jefferson

Library, with special thanks to librarians Judy Schmitt and Helena Marvin.

Cover image: “Square swirl 2623 015 background” by Lucy Nieto/Flickr is licensed under

CC BY-NC 2.0.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0

International License.

Contents

A Letter to My Students iv

CHAPTER 1

Introduction to Intercultural Communication 1

CHAPTER 2

Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination 29

CHAPTER 3

Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals 56

CHAPTER 4

Introduction to Race and Ethnicity 63

CHAPTER 5

The Impacts of Social Class 83

CHAPTER 6

Gender and Gender Inequality 92

CHAPTER 7

Socialization and Human Sexuality 104

iii

A Letter to My Students

Dear Students:

As I write this in October 2020, I can safely say that our world has changed

A LOT in the past few years—even over the last few months. More change and

uncertainty await us. As we watch a huge shift taking place in our societies,

intercultural communication is more important than ever.

If we want to move forward together as a nation and global community, we

must learn how to respectful y communicate with each other across differences.

Intercultural communication doesn’t refer only to communication between people

from different countries, but includes communication across all kinds of personal,

social, and cultural identities like race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, abilities,

gender, socioeconomic class, and religion.

In order to understand each other and how our identities are similar, different,

and intersect, we must listen to those with different backgrounds and spotlight

voices that might not typical y be heard in our society. To achieve that goal, I have

collected materials from a wide range of open resources and authors in order

to best represent what I want to bring to you this semester: many perspectives

and stories. My hope is that through this exposure, we will find what many great

leaders have said: “It’s harder to hate up close.”

This course will open your mind to how differences can be valuable, interesting,

and even worthy of celebration. If we open our minds and stay curious, we can

learn how to respect and communicate across differences in a constructive way,

leading to stronger relationships, communities, and nations.

Moving forward together,

Professor Shannon Ahrndt

iv

Contents

CHAPTER 1

CHAPTER 1

Introduction to Intercultural Communication 1

Introduction to Intercultural Communication

FOUNDATIONS OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY

2

SOURCE

Culture and communication. (2016). In Communication in the real world: An introduction to communication studies.

Personal, Social, and Cultural Identities

2

University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. This edition adapted from a work originally produced in 2013 by a publisher who has requested that it not receive attribution. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from https://open.lib.umn.edu/

Identity Development 3

communication/part/chapter-8-culture-and-communication/

(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

Difference Matters

6

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

EXPLORING SPECIFIC CULTURAL IDENTITIES 7

1. Define culture.

9. List and summarize the six dialectics of intercultural

2. Define personal, social, and cultural identities.

communication.

Race 7

3. Summarize nondominant and dominant identity development.

10. Discuss how intercultural communication affects interpersonal

4. Explain why difference matters in the study of culture

relationships.

Interracial Communication

9

and identity.

11. Define intercultural communication competence.

5. Define the social constructionist view of culture and identity.

12. Explain how motivation, self- and other-knowledge, and

Gender 10

6. Trace the historical development and construction of the four

tolerance for uncertainty relate to intercultural communication

cultural identities discussed.

competence.

Sexuality 12

7. Discuss how each of the four cultural identities discussed

13. Summarize the three ways to cultivate intercultural communica-

affects and/or relates to communication.

tion competence that are discussed.

Ability 14

8. Define intercultural communication.

14. Apply the concept of “thinking under the influence” as a reflec-

tive skill for building intercultural communication competence.

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION

16

KEY TERMS

Intercultural Communication: A Dialectical Approach 17

ableism

essentialize

motivation

antimiscegenation laws

ethnocentrism

nondominant identities

Intercultural Communication and Relationships

19

ascribed identities

gender

patriarchy

avowed identities

global village

personal-contextual dialectic

Intercultural Friendships

20

code-switching

history/past-present/future dialectic

personal identities

cognitive flexibility

ideology of domination

privileges-disadvantages dialectic

Culture and Romantic Relationships 20

cultural identities

intercultural communication

race

cultural-individual dialectic

intercultural communication competence

sex

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION COMPETENCE

22

culture

(ICC)

sexual orientation

Components of Intercultural Communication Competence

22

dialectic

intercultural relationships

social constructionism

dichotomies

intersectional reflexivity

social identities

Cultivating Intercultural Communication Competence 23

differences-similarities dialectic

intersectionality

static-dynamic dialectic

digital divide

medical model of disability

tolerance for uncertainty

REFERENCES 27

dominant identities

mindfulness

transgender

Humans have always been diverse in their cultural beliefs schools, and neighborhoods have become more integrated and practices. But as new technologies have led to the

in terms of race and gender, increasing our interaction

perception that our world has shrunk, and demographic

with domestic diversity. The Disability Rights Movement

and political changes have brought attention to cultural

and Gay Rights Movement have increased the visibility

differences, people communicate across cultures more now

of people with disabilities and sexual minorities. But just

than ever before. The oceans and continents that separate

because we are exposed to more difference doesn’t mean

us can now be traversed instantly with an e-mail, phone

we understand it, can communicate across it, or appreciate

cal , tweet, or status update. Additional y, our workplaces,

it. This chapter will help you do all three.

1

2 • CHAPTER 1

FOUNDATIONS OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY

are the components of self that are derived from involve-

Culture is a complicated word to define, as there are at least

ment in social groups with which we are interpersonal y

six common ways that culture is used in the United States.

committed.

For the purposes of exploring the communicative aspects

For example, we may derive aspects of our social iden-

of culture, we will define culture as the ongoing negotia-

tity from our family or from a community of fans for a

tion of learned and patterned beliefs, attitudes, values, and

sports team. Social identities differ from personal identities

behaviors. Unpacking the definition, we can see that cul-

because they are external y organized through member-

ture shouldn’t be conceptualized as stable and unchanging.

ship. Our membership may be voluntary (Greek organiza-

Culture is “negotiated,” and as we will learn later in this

tion on campus) or involuntary (family) and explicit (we

chapter, culture is dynamic, and cultural changes can be

pay dues to our labor union) or implicit (we purchase and

traced and analyzed to better understand why our society

listen to hip-hop music). There are innumerous options for

is the way it is. The definition also points out that culture is

personal and social identities. While our personal identity

learned, which accounts for the importance of socializing

choices express who we are, our social identities align us

institutions like family, school, peers, and the media. Cul-

with particular groups. Through our social identities, we

ture is patterned in that there are recognizable widespread

make statements about who we are and who we are not.

similarities among people within a cultural group. There

Personal identities may change often as people have

is also deviation from and resistance to those patterns by

new experiences and develop new interests and hobbies.

individuals and subgroups within a culture, which is why

A current interest in online video games may give way

cultural patterns change over time. Last, the definition

to an interest in graphic design. Social identities do not

acknowledges that culture influences our beliefs about change as often because they take more time to develop, what is true and false, our attitudes including our likes and

as you must become interpersonal y invested. For exam-

dislikes, our values regarding what is right and wrong, and

ple, if an interest in online video games leads someone to

our behaviors. It is from these cultural influences that our

become a member of a MMORPG, or a massively multi-

identities are formed.

player online role-playing game community, that personal

identity has led to a social identity that is now interper-

Personal, Social, and Cultural Identities

sonal and more entrenched. Cultural identities are based

Ask yourself the question “Who am I?” Recall from our

on social y constructed categories that teach us a way of

earlier discussion of self-concept that we develop a sense

being and include expectations for social behavior or ways

of who we are based on what is reflected back on us from

of acting (Yep, 2002). Since we are often a part of them

other people. Our parents, friends, teachers, and the media

since birth, cultural identities are the least changeable of

help shape our identities. While this happens from birth,

the three. The ways of being and the social expectations

most people in Western societies reach a stage in adoles-

for behavior within cultural identities do change over

cence where maturing cognitive abilities and increased

time, but what separates them from most social identities

social awareness lead them to begin to reflect on who they

is their historical roots (Collier, 1996). For example, think

are. This begins a lifelong process of thinking about who

of how ways of being and acting have changed for African

we are now, who we were before, and who we will become

Americans since the civil rights movement. Additional y,

(Tatum, 2000). Our identities make up an important part

of our self-concept and can be broken down into three

main categories: personal, social, and cultural identities

TABLE 1.1 Personal, Social, and Cultural Identities

(see Table 1.1).

Personal

Social

Cultural

We must avoid the temptation to think of our identi-

Antique collector

Member of historical Irish American

ties as constant. Instead, our identities are formed through

society

processes that started before we were born and will con-

Dog lover

Member of humane

Male/female

tinue after we are gone; therefore our identities aren’t

society

something we achieve or complete. Two related but dis-

Cyclist

Fraternity/sorority

Greek American

tinct components of our identities are our personal and

member

social identities (Spreckels & Kotthoff, 2009). Personal

Singer

High school music

Multiracial

identities include the components of self that are primar-

teacher

ily intrapersonal and connected to our life experiences.

Shy

Book club member

Heterosexual

For example, I consider myself a puzzle lover, and you may

identify as a fan of hip-hop music. Our social identities

Athletic

Gay/lesbian

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 3

identity also changes based on context. For example, an

African American may not have difficulty deciding which

box to check on the demographic section of a survey. But

if an African American becomes president of her college’s

Black Student Union, she may more intensely avow her

African American identity, which has now become more

salient. If she studies abroad in Africa her junior year,

she may be ascribed an identity of American by her new

African friends rather than African American. For the

Africans, their visitor’s identity as American is likely more

salient than her identity as someone of African descent. If

someone is biracial or multiracial, they may change their

racial identification as they engage in an identity search.

One intercultural communication scholar writes of his

Pledging a fraternity or sorority is an example of a social

experiences as an “Asianlatinoamerican” (Yep, 2002, p. 61).

identity. (IMG_2749 by Adaenn is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.) He notes repressing his Chinese identity as an adolescent

living in Peru and then later embracing his Chinese iden-

common ways of being and acting within a cultural iden-

tity and learning about his family history while in college in

tity group are expressed through communication. In order

the United States. This example shows how even national

to be accepted as a member of a cultural group, members

identity fluctuates. Obviously one can change nationality

must be acculturated, essential y learning and using a code

by becoming a citizen of another country, although most

that other group members will be able to recognize. We are

people do not. My identity as a U.S. American became very

acculturated into our various cultural identities in obvious

salient for me for the first time in my life when I studied

and less obvious ways. We may literal y have a parent or

abroad in Sweden.

friend tell us what it means to be a man or a woman. We

Throughout modern history, cultural and social influ-

may also unconsciously consume messages from popular

ences have established dominant and nondominant groups

culture that offer representations of gender.

(Allen, 2011). Dominant identities historical y had and

Any of these identity types can be ascribed or avowed.

currently have more resources and influence, while non-

Ascribed identities are personal, social, or cultural identi-

dominant identities historical y had and currently have

ties that are placed on us by others, while avowed identities

less resources and influence. It’s important to remember

are those that we claim for ourselves (Martin & Nakayama,

that these distinctions are being made at the societal level,

2010). Sometimes people ascribe an identity to someone

not the individual level. There are obviously exceptions,

else based on stereotypes. You may see a person who likes

with people in groups considered nondominant obtaining

to read science-fiction books, watches documentaries, has

more resources and power than a person in a dominant

glasses, and collects Star Trek memorabilia and label him

group. However, the overall trend is that difference based

or her a nerd. If the person doesn’t avow that identity, it

on cultural groups has been institutionalized, and excep-

can create friction, and that label may even hurt the other

tions do not change this fact. Because of this uneven dis-

person’s feelings. But ascribed and avowed identities can

tribution of resources and power, members of dominant

match up. To extend the previous example, there has been

groups are granted privileges while nondominant groups

a movement in recent years to reclaim the label nerd and

are at a disadvantage. The main nondominant groups

turn it into a positive, and a nerd subculture has been grow-

must face various forms of institutionalized discrimina-

ing in popularity. For example, MC Frontalot, a leader in

tion, including racism, sexism, heterosexism, and ableism.

the nerdcore hip-hop movement, says that being branded a

As we will discuss later, privilege and disadvantage, like

nerd in school was terrible, but now he raps about “nerdy”

similarity and difference, are not “all or nothing.” No two

things like blogs to sold-out crowds (Shipman, 2007). We

people are completely different or completely similar,

can see from this example that our ascribed and avowed

and no one person is completely privileged or completely

identities change over the course of our lives, and some-

disadvantaged.

times they match up and sometimes not.

Although some identities are essential y permanent,

Identity Development

the degree to which we are aware of them, also known as

There are multiple models for examining identity devel-

salience, changes. The intensity with which we avow an

opment. Given our focus on how difference matters, we

4 • CHAPTER 1

will examine similarities and differences in nondominant

and dominant identity formation. While the stages in this

model help us understand how many people experience

their identities, identity development is complex, and

there may be variations. We must also remember that peo-

ple have multiple identities that intersect with each other.

So, as you read, think about how circumstances may be

different for an individual with multiple nondominant

and/or dominant identities.

Nondominant Identity Development

There are four stages of nondominant identity devel-

opment (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). The first stage is

unexamined identity, which is characterized by a lack of

awareness of or lack of interest in one’s identity. For exam-

ple, a young woman who will later identify as a lesbian

may not yet realize that a nondominant sexual orientation

is part of her identity. Also, a young African American

man may question his teachers or parents about the value

of what he’s learning during Black History Month. When

a person’s lack of interest in their own identity is replaced

by an investment in a dominant group’s identity, they may

move to the next stage, which is conformity.

many hearing-impaired people in the united States use

In the conformity stage, an individual internalizes American Sign language (ASl), which is recognized as an or adopts the values and norms of the dominant group,

official language. (ASL interpreter by Quinn Dombrowski is used under often in an effort not to be perceived as different. Individ-

CC BY-SA 2.0.)

uals may attempt to assimilate into the dominant culture

by changing their appearance, their mannerisms, the way

Sign Language (ASL), and other cultural practices consti-

they talk, or even their name. Moises, a Chicano man

tutes a unique culture, which they symbolize by capitaliz-

interviewed in a research project about identities, narrated

ing the D in Deaf (Allen, 2011).

how he changed his “Mexican sounding” name to Moses,

While this is not a separatist movement, a person who

which was easier for his middle-school classmates and

is hearing impaired may find refuge in such a group after

teachers to say (Jones, 2009). He also identified as White

experiencing discrimination from hearing people. Stay-

instead of Mexican American or Chicano because he saw

ing in this stage may indicate a lack of critical thinking if

how his teachers treated the other kids with “brown skin.”

a person endorses the values of the nondominant group

Additional y, some gay or lesbian people in this stage of

without question.

identity development may try to “act straight.” In either

The integration stage marks a period where individu-

case, some people move to the next stage, resistance and

als with a nondominant identity have achieved a balance

separation, when they realize that despite their efforts they

between embracing their own identities and valuing other

are still perceived as different by and not included in the

dominant and nondominant identities. Although there

dominant group.

may still be residual anger from the discrimination and

In the resistance and separation stage, an individual

prejudice they have faced, they may direct this energy into

with a nondominant identity may shift away from the

positive outlets such as working to end discrimination

conformity of the previous stage to engage in actions that

for their own or other groups. Moises, the Chicano man

challenge the dominant identity group. Individuals in this

I mentioned earlier, now works to support the Chicano

stage may also actively try to separate themselves from the

community in his city and also has actively supported gay

dominant group, interacting only with those who share

rights and women’s rights.

their nondominant identity. For example, there has been

a Deaf culture movement in the United States for decades.

Dominant Identity Development

This movement includes people who are hearing impaired

Dominant identity development consists of five stages

and believe that their use of a specific language, American

(Martin & Nakayama, 2010). The unexamined stage of

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 5

dominant identity formation is similar to nondominant

and their awareness of the inequality makes it difficult for

in that individuals in this stage do not think about their

them to interact with others in their dominant group. But

or others’ identities. Although they may be aware of dif-

it’s important to acknowledge that becoming aware of your

ferences—for example, between races and genders—they

White privilege, for instance, doesn’t mean that every per-

either don’t realize there is a hierarchy that treats some

son of color is going to want to accept you as an al y, so

people differently than others or they don’t think the hier-

retreating to them may not be the most productive move.

archy applies to them. For example, a White person may

While moving to this step is a marked improvement in

take notice that a person of color was elected to a promi-

regards to becoming a more aware and social y just per-

nent office. However, he or she may not see the underlying

son, getting stuck in the resistance stage isn’t productive,

reason that it is noticeable—namely, that the overwhelming

because people are often retreating rather than trying to

majority of our country’s leaders are White. Unlike people

address injustice. For some, deciding to share what they’ve

with a nondominant identity who usual y have to acknowl-

learned with others who share their dominant identity

edge the positioning of their identity due to discrimination

moves them to the next stage.

and prejudice they encounter, people with dominant iden-

People in the redefinition stage revise negative views

tities may stay in the unexamined stage for a long time.

of their identity held in the previous stage and begin to

In the acceptance stage, a person with a dominant iden-

acknowledge their privilege and try to use the power they

tity passively or actively accepts that some people are treated

are granted to work for social justice. They realize that

differently than others but doesn’t do anything internal y or

they can claim their dominant identity as heterosexual,

external y to address it. In the passive acceptance stage, we

able-bodied, male, White, and so on, and perform their

must be cautious not to blame individuals with dominant

identity in ways that counter norms. A male participant

identities for internalizing racist, sexist, or heterosexist in a research project on identity said the following about

“norms.” The socializing institutions we discussed earlier

redefining his male identity:

(family, peers, media, religion, and education) often make

oppression seem normal and natural. For example, I have

I don’t want to assert my maleness the same way that male-

had students who struggle to see that they are in this stage

ness is asserted all around us all the time. I don’t want to con-

say things like “I know that racism exists, but my parents

tribute to sexism. So I have to be conscious of that. There’s

that guilt. But then, I try to utilize my maleness in positive

taught me to be a good person and see everyone as equal.”

ways, like when I’m talking to other men about male privi-

While this is admirable, seeing everyone as equal doesn’t

lege (Jones, 2009, p. 130-32).

make it so. And people who insist that we are all equal may

claim that minorities are exaggerating their circumstances

The final stage of dominant identity formation is inte-

or “whining” and just need to “work harder” or “get over

gration. This stage is reached when redefinition is com-

it.” The person making these statements acknowledges dif-

plete and people can integrate their dominant identity

ference but doesn’t see their privilege or the institutional

perpetuation of various “-isms.” Although I’ve encoun-

tered many more people in the passive state of acceptance

than the active state, some may progress to an active state

where they acknowledge inequality and are proud to be

in the “superior” group. In either case, many people never

progress from this stage. If they do, it’s usual y because

of repeated encounters with individuals or situations

that challenge their acceptance of the status quo, such as

befriending someone from a nondominant group or taking

a course related to culture.

The resistance stage of dominant identity formation

is a major change from the previous in that an individual

acknowledges the unearned advantages they are given and

feels guilt or shame about it. Having taught about various

types of privilege for years, I’ve encountered many students

Heterosexual people with gay family members or friends

may join the group PFlAG (Parents, Families, and Friends

who want to return their privilege or disown it. These indi-

of lesbians and Gays) as a part of the redefinition and/or

viduals may begin to disassociate with their own dominant

integration stage of their dominant identity development.

group because they feel like a curtain has been opened

(Atlanta Pride Festival parade by Jason Riedy is used under CC BY 2.0.)

6 • CHAPTER 1

into all aspects of their life, finding opportunities to edu-

just society. Difference also matters because demographics

cate others about privilege while also being a responsive

and patterns of interaction are changing.

al y to people in nondominant identities. As an example,

In the United States, the population of people of color

some heterosexual people who find out a friend or fam-

is increasing and diversifying, and visibility for people

ily member is gay or lesbian may have to confront their

who are gay or lesbian and people with disabilities has also

dominant heterosexual identity for the first time, which

increased. The 2010 Census shows that the Hispanic and

may lead them through these various stages. As a sign of

Latino/a populations in the United States are now the sec-

integration, some may join an organization like PFLAG

ond largest group in the country, having grown 43% since

(Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays),

the last census in 2000 (Saenz, 2011). By 2030, racial and

where they can be around others who share their dom-

ethnic minorities will account for one-third of the popu-

inant identity as heterosexuals but also empathize with

lation (Allen, 2011). Additional y, legal and social changes

their loved ones.

have created a more open environment for sexual minori-

Knowing more about various types of identities and

ties and people with disabilities. These changes directly

some common experiences of how dominant and non-

affect our interpersonal relationships. The workplace is

dominant identities are formed prepares us to delve into

one context where changing demographics has become

more specifics about why difference matters.

increasingly important. Many organizations are striving

to comply with changing laws by implementing policies

Difference Matters

aimed at creating equal access and opportunity. Some

Whenever we encounter someone, we notice similarities

organizations are going further than legal compliance to

and differences. While both are important, it is often the

try to create inclusive climates where diversity is valued

differences that are highlighted and that contribute to because of the interpersonal and economic benefits it has communication troubles. We don’t only see similarities

the potential to produce.

and differences on an individual level. In fact, we also

place people into in-groups and out-groups based on the

similarities and differences we perceive. This is important

■  “Getting Real” • Diversity Training

because we then tend to react to someone we perceive as

Businesses in the United States spend $200 to $300 million

a member of an out-group based on the characteristics

a year on diversity training, but is it effective? (Vedantam,

we attach to the group rather than the individual (Allen,

2008) If diversity training is conducted to advance a com-

2011). In these situations, it is more likely that stereotypes

pany’s business goals and out of an understanding of the

and prejudice will influence our communication. Learning

advantages that a diversity of background and thought offer

about difference and why it matters will help us be more

a company, then the training is more likely to be success-

competent communicators. The flip side of emphasizing

ful. Many companies conduct mandatory diversity training

difference is to claim that no differences exist and that

based on a belief that they will be in a better position in

you see everyone as a human being. Rather than trying to

court if a lawsuit is brought against them. However, research

ignore difference and see each person as a unique individ-

shows that training that is mandatory and undertaken only

ual, we should know the history of how differences came

to educate people about the legal implications of diversity

to be so social y and cultural y significant and how they

is ineffective and may even hurt diversity efforts. A commit-

continue to affect us today.

ment to a diverse and inclusive workplace environment must

Culture and identity are complex. You may be won-

include a multipronged approach. Experts recommend that

dering how some groups came to be dominant and others

a company put a staff person in charge of diversity efforts,

nondominant. These differences are not natural, which can

and some businesses have gone as far as appointing a

be seen as we unpack how various identities have changed

“chief diversity officer” (Cullen, 2007). The U.S. Office of Per-

over time in the next section. There is, however, an ideol-

sonnel Management offers many good guidelines for con-

ogy of domination that makes it seem natural and normal

ducting diversity training: create learning objectives related

to many that some people or groups will always have power

to the mission of the organization, use tested and appro-

over others (Allen, 2011). In fact, hierarchy and domina-

priate training methods and materials, provide informa-

tion, although prevalent throughout modern human his-

tion about course content and expectations to employees

tory, were likely not the norm among early humans. So one

ahead of training, provide the training in a supportive and

of the first reasons difference matters is that people and

noncoercive environment, use only experienced and quali-

groups are treated unequal y, and better understanding

fied instructors, and monitor/evaluate training and revise as

how those differences came to be can help us create a more

needed (U.S. Office of Personnel Management, n.d. ). With

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 7

these suggestions in mind, the increasingly common “real-

existed forever actual y came to be constructed for various

world” event of diversity training is more likely to succeed.

political and social reasons and how they have changed over

1. Have you ever participated in any diversity training? If

time. Communication plays a central role in this construc-

so, what did you learn or take away from the training?

tion. As we have already discussed, our identities are rela-

Which of the guidelines listed did your training do well

tional and communicative; they are also constructed. Social

or poorly on?

constructionism is a view that argues the self is formed

through our interactions with others and in relationship to

2. Do you think diversity training should be mandatory or

social, cultural, and political contexts (Allen, 2011). In this

voluntary? Why?

section, we’ll explore how the cultural identities of race, gen-

3. From what you’ve learned so far in this book, what

der, sexual orientation, and ability have been constructed in

communication skills are important for a diversity

the United States and how communication relates to those

trainer to have? ■

identities. There are other important identities that could be

discussed, like religion, age, nationality, and class. Although

they are not given their own section, consider how those

We can now see that difference matters due to the

identities may intersect with the identities discussed next.

inequalities that exist among cultural groups and due to

changing demographics that affect our personal and social

Race

relationships. Unfortunately, there are many obstacles Would it surprise you to know that human beings, regard-that may impede our valuing of difference (Allen, 2011).

less of how they are racial y classified, share 99.9% of

Individuals with dominant identities may not validate the

their DNA? This finding by the Human Genome Proj-

experiences of those in nondominant groups because they

ect asserts that race is a social construct, not a biological

do not experience the oppression directed at those with

one. The American Anthropological Association agrees,

nondominant identities. Further, they may find it difficult

stating that race is the product of “historical and con-

to acknowledge that not being aware of this oppression is

temporary social, economic, educational, and political

due to privilege associated with their dominant identities.

circumstances” (Allen, 2011). Therefore, we’ll define race

Because of this lack of recognition of oppression, members

as a social y constructed category based on differences in

of dominant groups may minimize, dismiss, or question

appearance that has been used to create hierarchies that

the experiences of nondominant groups and view them

privilege some and disadvantage others.

as “complainers” or “whiners.” Recall from our earlier dis-

Race didn’t become a social y and cultural y recognized

cussion of identity formation that people with dominant

marker until European colonial expansion in the 1500s. As

identities may stay in the unexamined or acceptance stages

Western Europeans traveled to parts of the world previ-

for a long time. Being stuck in these stages makes it much

ously unknown to them and encountered people who were

more difficult to value difference.

different from them, a hierarchy of races began to develop

Members of nondominant groups may have difficulty

that placed lighter skinned Europeans above darker

valuing difference due to negative experiences with the

dominant group, such as not having their experiences val-

idated. Both groups may be restrained from communicat-

ing about difference due to norms of political correctness,

which may make people feel afraid to speak up because

they may be perceived as insensitive or racist. All these

obstacles are common and they are valid. However, as we

will learn later, developing intercultural communication

competence can help us gain new perspectives, become

more mindful of our communication, and intervene in

some of these negative cycles.

EXPLORING SPECIFIC

CULTURAL IDENTITIES

We can get a better understanding of current cultural iden-

There is actually no biological basis for racial classification

tities by unpacking how they came to be. By looking at his-

among humans, as we share 99.9% of our dnA. (friends by tory, we can see how cultural identities that seem to have

evilgurl is used under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.) 8 • CHAPTER 1

skinned people. At the time, newly developing fields in

Racial classifications used by the government and our

natural and biological sciences took interest in examining

regular communication about race in the United States

the new locales, including the plant and animal life, natu-

have changed frequently, which further points to the social

ral resources, and native populations. Over the next three

construction of race. Currently, the primary racial groups

hundred years, science that we would now undoubtedly

in the United States are African American, Asian Ameri-

recognize as flawed, biased, and racist legitimated notions

can, European American, Latino/a, and Native American,

that native populations were less evolved than White Euro-

but a brief look at changes in how the U.S. Census Bureau

peans, often calling them savages. In fact, there were scien-

has defined race clearly shows that this hasn’t always been

tific debates as to whether some of the native populations

the case (see Table 1.2). In the 1900s alone, there were

should be considered human or animal. Racial distinctions

twenty-six different ways that race was categorized on cen-

have been based largely on phenotypes, or physiological

sus forms (Allen, 2011). The way we communicate about

features such as skin color, hair texture, and body/facial fea-

race in our regular interactions has also changed, and

tures. Western “scientists” used these differences as “proof”

many people are still hesitant to discuss race for fear of

that native populations were less evolved than the Europe-

using “the wrong” vocabulary.

ans, which helped justify colonial expansion, enslavement,

The five primary racial groups noted previously can

genocide, and exploitation on massive scales (Allen, 2011).

still be broken down further to specify a particular region,

Even though there is a consensus among experts that race is

country, or nation. For example, Asian Americans are

social rather than biological, we can’t deny that race still has

diverse in terms of country and language of origin and cul-

meaning in our society and affects people as if it were “real.”

tural practices. While the category of Asian Americans can

Given that race is one of the first things we notice about

be useful when discussing broad trends, it can also gen-

someone, it’s important to know how race and communi-

eralize among groups, which can lead to stereotypes. You

cation relate (Allen, 2011). Discussing race in the United

may find that someone identifies as Chinese American or

States is difficult for many reasons. One is due to uncer-

Korean American instead of Asian American. In this case,

tainty about language use. People may be frustrated by

the label further highlights a person’s cultural lineage. We

their perception that labels change too often or be afraid

should not assume, however, that someone identifies with

of using an “improper” term and being viewed as racial y

his or her cultural lineage, as many people have more in

insensitive. It is important, however, that we not let polit-

common with their U.S. American peers than a culture

ical correctness get in the way of meaningful dialogues

that may be one or more generations removed.

and learning opportunities related to difference. Learning

History and personal preference also influence how

some of the communicative history of race can make us

we communicate about race. Culture and communication

more competent communicators and open us up to more

scholar Brenda Allen notes that when she was born in

learning experiences.

1950, her birth certificate included an N for Negro. Later

TABLE 1.2 Racial Classifications in the u.S. Census

Year(s)

Development

1790

No category for race

1800s

Race was defined by the percentage of African “blood.” Mulatto was one Black and one White parent, quadroon was one-quarter African blood, and octoroon was one-eighth.

1830–1940

The term color was used instead of race.

1900

Racial categories included White, Black, Chinese, Japanese, and Indian. Census takers were required to check one of these boxes based on visual cues. Individuals did not get to select a racial classification on their own until 1970.

1950

The term color was dropped and replaced by race.

1960, 1970

Both race and color were used on census forms.

1980–2010

Race again became the only term.

2000

Individuals were allowed to choose more than one racial category for the first time in census history.

2010

The census included fifteen racial categories and an option to write in races not listed on the form.

2020

Individuals who identified as White, Black/African American, and/or American Indian or Alaska Native were asked to specifical y identify their racial origins.

Adapted from Allen (2011).

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 9

she referred to herself as colored because that’s what peo-

groups, if you are unsure of how to refer to someone, you

ple in her community referred to themselves as. During

can always ask for and honor someone’s preference.

and before this time, the term Black had negative connota-

The history of immigration in the United States also

tions and would likely have offended someone. There was a

ties to the way that race has been constructed. The met-

movement in the 1960s to reclaim the word Black, and the

aphor of the melting pot has been used to describe the

slogan “Black is beautiful” was commonly used. Brenda

immigration history of the United States but doesn’t cap-

Allen acknowledges the newer label of African American

ture the experiences of many immigrant groups (Allen,

but notes that she still prefers Black. The terms colored and

2011). General y, immigrant groups who were White, or

Negro are no longer considered appropriate because they

light skinned, and spoke English were better able to assim-

were commonly used during a time when Black people

ilate, or melt into the melting pot. But immigrant groups

were blatantly discriminated against. Even though that that we might think of as White today were not always con-history may seem far removed to some, it is not to oth-

sidered so. Irish immigrants were discriminated against

ers. Currently, the terms African American and Black are

and even portrayed as Black in cartoons that appeared in

frequently used, and both are considered acceptable. The

newspapers. In some Southern states, Italian immigrants

phrase people of color is acceptable for most and is used to

were forced to go to Black schools, and it wasn’t until 1952

be inclusive of other racial minorities. If you are unsure

that Asian immigrants were allowed to become citizens of

what to use, you could always observe how a person refers

the United States. All this history is important, because it

to himself or herself, or you could ask for his or her pref-

continues to influence communication among races today.

erence. In any case, a competent communicator defers to

and respects the preference of the individual.

Interracial Communication

The label Latin American general y refers to peo-

Race and communication are related in various ways. Rac-

ple who live in Central American countries. Although ism influences our communication about race and is not Spain colonized much of what is now South and Central

an easy topic for most people to discuss. Today, people

America and parts of the Caribbean, the inhabitants of

tend to view racism as overt acts such as calling some-

these areas are now much more diverse. Depending on

one a derogatory name or discriminating against some-

the region or country, some people primarily trace their

one in thought or action. However, there is a difference

lineage to the indigenous people who lived in these areas

between racist acts, which we can attach to an individual,

before colonization, or to a Spanish and indigenous lin-

and institutional racism, which is not as easily identifiable.

eage, or to other combinations that may include European,

It is much easier for people to recognize and decry racist

African, and/or indigenous heritage. Latina and Latino

actions than it is to realize that racist patterns and prac-

are labels that are preferable to Hispanic for many who

tices go through societal institutions, which means that

live in the United States and trace their lineage to South

racism exists and doesn’t have to be committed by any one

and/or Central America and/or parts of the Caribbean.

person. As competent communicators and critical think-

Scholars who study Latina/o identity often use the label

ers, we must challenge ourselves to be aware of how racism

Latina/o in their writing to acknowledge women who influences our communication at individual and societal avow that identity label (Calafel , 2007). In verbal commu-levels.

nication you might say “Latina” when referring to a par-

We tend to make assumptions about people’s race

ticular female or “Latino” when referring to a particular

based on how they talk, and often these assumptions are

male of Latin American heritage. When referring to the

based on stereotypes. Dominant groups tend to define

group as a whole, you could say “Latinas and Latinos” or

what is correct or incorrect usage of a language, and since

“Latinx” instead of just “Latinos,” which would be more

language is so closely tied to identity, labeling a group’s use

gender inclusive. While Hispanic is used by the U.S. Cen-

of a language as incorrect or deviant challenges or negates

sus, it refers primarily to people of Spanish origin, which

part of their identity (Yancy, 2011). We know there isn’t

doesn’t account for the diversity of background of many

only one way to speak English, but there have been move-

Latinos/as. The term Hispanic also highlights the coloniz-

ments to identify a standard. This becomes problematic

er’s influence over the indigenous, which erases a history

when we realize that “standard English” refers to a way

that is important to many. Additional y, there are people

of speaking English that is based on White, middle-class

who claim Spanish origins and identify cultural y as His-

ideals that do not match up with the experiences of many.

panic but racial y as White. Labels such as Puerto Rican or

When we create a standard for English, we can label any-

Mexican American, which further specify region or coun-

thing that deviates from that “nonstandard English.” Dif-

try of origin, may also be used. Just as with other cultural

ferences between standard English and what has been

10 • CHAPTER 1

having a population that is multilingual (Linguistic Soci-

ety of America, 1986). Interracial communication presents

some additional verbal challenges.

Code-switching involves changing from one way of

speaking to another between or within interactions. Some

people of color may engage in code-switching when com-

municating with dominant group members because they

fear they will be negatively judged. Adopting the language

practices of the dominant group may minimize perceived

differences. This code-switching creates a linguistic dual

consciousness in which people are able to maintain their

linguistic identities with their in-group peers but can stil

acquire tools and gain access needed to function in dom-

inant society (Yancy, 2011). White people may also feel

The “English only” movement of recent years is largely a

anxious about communicating with people of color out of

backlash targeted at immigrants from Spanish-speaking

countries. (Welcome to America, indeed by CGP Grey is used under fear of being perceived as racist. In other situations, people

CC BY 2.0.)

in dominant groups may spotlight nondominant members

by asking them to comment on or educate others about

called “Black English” or “African American English” have

their race (Allen, 2011). For example, I once taught at a

gotten national attention through debates about whether

private university that was predominantly White. Students

or not instruction in classrooms should accommodate of color talked to me about being asked by professors to students who do not speak standard English. Education

weigh in on an issue when discussions of race came up in

plays an important role in language acquisition, and class

the classroom. While a professor may have been well-inten-

relates to access to education. In general, whether some-

tioned, spotlighting can make a student feel conspicuous,

one speaks standard English themselves or not, they tend

frustrated, or defensive. Additional y, I bet the professors

to negatively judge people whose speech deviates from the

wouldn’t think about asking a White, male, or heterosexual

standard.

student to give the perspective of their whole group.

Another national controversy has revolved around

the inclusion of Spanish in common language use, such as

Gender

Spanish as an option at ATMs, or other automated services,

When we first meet a newborn baby, we ask whether it’s

and Spanish language instruction in school for students

a boy or a girl. This question il ustrates the importance of

who don’t speak or are learning to speak English. As was

gender in organizing our social lives and our interpersonal

noted earlier, the Latino/a population in the United States

relationships. A Canadian family became aware of the deep

is growing fast, which has necessitated inclusion of Spanish

emotions people feel about gender and the great discom-

in many areas of public life. This has also created a back-

fort people feel when they can’t determine gender when

lash, which some scholars argue is tied more to the race

they announced to the world that they were not going to

of the immigrants than the language they speak and a fear

tell anyone the gender of their baby, aside from the baby’s

that White America could be engulfed by other languages

siblings. Their desire for their child, named Storm, to be

and cultures (Speicher, 2002). This backlash has led to a

able to experience early life without the boundaries and

revived movement to make English the official language of

categories of gender brought criticism from many (Davis

the United States.

& James, 2011). Conversely, many parents consciously or

The U.S. Constitution does not stipulate a national

unconsciously “code” their newborns in gendered ways

language, and Congress has not designated one either. based on our society’s associations of pink clothing and While nearly thirty states have passed English-language

accessories with girls and blue with boys. While it’s obvi-

legislation, it has mostly been symbolic, and court rulings

ous to most people that colors aren’t gendered, they take

have limited any enforceability (Zuckerman, 2010). The

on new meaning when we assign gendered characteristics

Linguistic Society of America points out that immigrants

of masculinity and femininity to them. Just like race, gen-

are very aware of the social and economic advantages of

der is a social y constructed category. While it is true that

learning English and do not need to be forced. They also

there are biological differences between who we label male

point out that the United States has always had many lan-

and female, the meaning our society places on those dif-

guages represented, that national unity hasn’t rested on

ferences is what actual y matters in our day-to-day lives.

a single language, and that there are actual y benefits to

And the biological differences are interpreted differently

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 11

around the world, which further shows that although we

(Wood, 2005). One of the ways patriarchy is maintained

think gender is a natural, normal, stable way of classifying

is by its relative invisibility. While women have been the

things, it is actual y not. There is a long history of apprecia-

focus of much research on gender differences, males have

tion for people who cross gender lines in Native American

been largely unexamined. Men have been treated as the

and South Central Asian cultures, to name just two.

“generic” human being to which others are compared. But

You may have noticed I use the word gender instead

that ignores that fact that men have a gender, too. Mascu-

of sex. That’s because gender is an identity based on inter-

linities studies have challenged that notion by examining

nalized cultural notions of masculinity and femininity that

how masculinities are performed.

is constructed through communication and interaction.

There have been challenges to the construction of gen-

There are two important parts of this definition to unpack.

der in recent decades. Since the 1960s, scholars and activ-

First, we internalize notions of gender based on socializing

ists have challenged established notions of what it means

institutions, which helps us form our gender identity. Then

to be a man or a woman. The women’s rights movement

we attempt to construct that gendered identity through

in the United States dates back to the 1800s, when the first

our interactions with others, which is our gender expres-

women’s rights convention was held in Seneca Fal s, New

sion. Sex is based on biological characteristics, including

York, in 1848 (Wood, 2005). Although most women’s rights

external genitalia, internal sex organs, chromosomes, and

movements have been led by White, middle-class women,

hormones (Wood, 2005). While the biological character-

there was overlap between those involved in the abolition-

istics between men and women are obviously different, it’s

ist movement to end slavery and the beginnings of the

the meaning that we create and attach to those character-

women’s rights movement. Although some of the leaders

istics that makes them significant. The cultural differences

of the early women’s rights movement had class and edu-

in how that significance is ascribed are proof that “our way

cation privilege, they were still taking a risk by organizing

of doing things” is arbitrary. For example, cross-cultural

and protesting. Black women were even more at risk, and

research has found that boys and girls in most cultures

Sojourner Truth, an emancipated slave, faced those risks

show both aggressive and nurturing tendencies, but cul-

often and gave a much noted extemporaneous speech at a

tures vary in terms of how they encourage these charac-

women’s rights gathering in Akron, Ohio, in 1851, which

teristics between genders. In a group in Africa, young boys

came to be called “Ain’t I a Woman? ” (Wood, 2005) Her

are responsible for taking care of babies and are encour-

speech highlighted the multiple layers of oppression faced

aged to be nurturing (Wood, 2005).

by Black women. You can watch actress Alfre Woodard

Gender has been constructed over the past few cen-

deliver an interpretation of the speech in Video Clip 1.1.

turies in political and deliberate ways that have tended to

favor men in terms of power. And various academic fields

VIDEO CLIP 1.1 Alfre Woodard Interprets Sojourner Truth’s Speech

joined in the quest to “prove” there are “natural” differ-

“Ain’t I a Woman?”

ences between men and women. While the “proof” they

presented was credible to many at the time, it seems bla-

Feminism as an intellectual and social movement

tantly sexist and inaccurate today. In the late 1800s and

advanced women’s rights and our overall understanding of

early 1900s, scientists who measure skul s, also known as

gender. Feminism has gotten a bad reputation based on how

craniometrists, claimed that men were more intelligent

it has been portrayed in the media and by some politicians.

than women because they had larger brains. Leaders in the

When I teach courses about gender, I often ask my students

fast-growing fields of sociology and psychology argued

to raise their hand if they consider themselves feminists. I

that women were less evolved than men and had more in

usual y only have a few, if any, who do. I’ve found that stu-

common with “children and savages” than an adult (White)

dents I teach are hesitant to identify as a feminist because

males (Allen, 2011). Doctors and other decision makers

of connotations of the word. However, when I ask students

like politicians also used women’s menstrual cycles as evi-

to raise their hand if they believe women have been treated

dence that they were irrational, or hysterical, and therefore

unfairly and that there should be more equity, most stu-

couldn’t be trusted to vote, pursue higher education, or be

dents raise their hand. Gender and communication scholar

in a leadership position. These are just a few of the many

Julia Wood has found the same trend and explains that a

instances of how knowledge was created by seemingly desire to make a more equitable society for everyone is at legitimate scientific disciplines that we can now clearly

the root of feminism. She shares comments from a student

see served to empower men and disempower women. that capture this disconnect (Wood, 2005): This system is based on the ideology of patriarchy, which

I would never call myself a feminist, because that word has

is a system of social structures and practices that main-

so many negative connotations. I don’t hate men or any-

tains the values, priorities, and interests of men as a group

thing, and I’m not interested in protesting. I don’t want to go

12 • CHAPTER 1

around with hacked-off hair and no makeup and sit around

in schools correspond to larger inequalities in the general

bashing men. I do think women should have the same kinds

workforce. While there are more women in the workforce

of rights, including equal pay for equal work. But I wouldn’t

now than ever before, they still face a glass ceiling, which

call myself a feminist.

is a barrier for promotion to upper management. Many of

It’s important to remember that there are many ways

my students have been surprised at the continuing pay gap

to be a feminist and to realize that some of the stereotypes

that exists between men and women. In 2018, the median

about feminism are rooted in sexism and homophobia, in

salaries for all full-time, year-round workers showed

that feminists are reduced to “men haters” and often pre-

women earning 81.6 cents for every dol ar men earned,

sumed to be lesbians. The feminist movement also gave

statistical y the same gap as in 2017 (National Commit-

some momentum to the transgender rights movement.

tee on Pay Equity, n.d.a). To put this into perspective, the

Transgender is an umbrel a term for people whose gen-

National Committee on Pay Equity started an event called

der identity and/or expression do not match the gender

Equal Pay Day. In 2020, Equal Pay Day was on March 31.

they were assigned by birth. Transgender people may or

This signifies that for a woman to earn the same amount

may not seek medical intervention like surgery or hor-

of money a man earned in a year, she would have to work

mone treatments to help match their physiology with their

three full months extra, until March 31, to make up for

gender identity. The term transgender includes other labels

the difference (National Committee on Pay Equity, n.d.b).

such as transsexual, transvestite, cross-dresser, and intersex,

among others. Terms like hermaphrodite and she-male are

Sexuality

not considered appropriate. As with other groups, it is best

While race and gender are two of the first things we notice

to allow someone to self-identify first and then honor their

about others, sexuality is often something we view as per-

preferred label. If you are unsure of which pronouns to

sonal and private. Although many people hold a view

use when addressing someone, you can use gender-neu-

that a person’s sexuality should be kept private, this isn’t

tral language, the pronoun that matches with how they

a reality for our society. One only needs to observe popu-

are presenting, or the pronoun they or them. If someone

lar culture and media for a short time to see that sexuality

has long hair, make-up, and a dress on, but you think their

permeates much of our public discourse.

biological sex is male due to other cues, it would be polite

Sexuality relates to culture and identity in important

to address them with female pronouns, since that is the

ways that extend beyond sexual orientation, just as race

gender identity they are expressing.

is more than the color of one’s skin and gender is more

Gender as a cultural identity has implications for many

than one’s biological and physiological manifestations of

aspects of our lives, including real-world contexts like edu-

masculinity and femininity. Sexuality isn’t just physical; it

cation and work. Schools are primary grounds for socializa-

is social in that we communicate with others about sex-

tion, and the educational experience for males and females

uality (Allen, 2011). Sexuality is also biological in that it

is different in many ways from preschool through college.

connects to physiological functions that carry significant

Although not always intentional, schools tend to recreate

social and political meaning like puberty, menstruation,

the hierarchies and inequalities that exist in society. Given

and pregnancy. Sexuality connects to public health issues

that we live in a patriarchal society, there are communica-

like sexual y transmitted infections (STIs), sexual assault,

tive elements present in school that support this (Allen,

sexual abuse, sexual harassment, and teen pregnancy. Sex-

2011). For example, teachers are more likely to call on and

uality is at the center of political issues like abortion, sex

pay attention to boys in a classroom, giving them more

education, and gay and lesbian rights. While all these con-

feedback in the form of criticism, praise, and help. This

tribute to sexuality as a cultural identity, the focus in this

sends an implicit message that boys are more worthy of

section is on sexual orientation.

attention and valuable than girls. Teachers are also more

The most obvious way sexuality relates to identity is

likely to lead girls to focus on feelings and appearance and

through sexual orientation. Sexual orientation refers to a

boys to focus on competition and achievement. The focus

person’s primary physical and emotional sexual attraction

on appearance for girls can lead to anxieties about body

and activity. The terms we most often use to categorize sex-

image. Gender inequalities are also evident in the adminis-

ual orientation are heterosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and

trative structure of schools, which puts males in positions

asexual. Gays, lesbians, and bisexuals are sometimes referred

of authority more than females. While females make up

to as sexual minorities. While the term sexual preference

75% of the educational workforce, only 22% of superinten-

has been used previously, sexual orientation is more appro-

dents and 8% of high school principals are women. Similar

priate, since preference implies a simple choice. Although

trends exist in colleges and universities, with women only

someone’s preference for a restaurant or actor may change

accounting for 26% of full professors. These inequalities

frequently, sexuality is not as simple. The term homosexual

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 13

can be appropriate in some instances, but it carries with it a

popular cultural discourses or in social and political move-

clinical and medicalized tone. As you will see in the timeline

ments. Transgender issues have received much more atten-

that follows, the medical community has a recent history of

tion in recent years, but transgender identity connects to

“treating homosexuality” with means that most would view

gender more than it does to sexuality. Last, queer is a term

as inhumane today. So many people prefer a term like gay,

used to describe a group that is diverse in terms of iden-

which was chosen and embraced by gay people, rather than

tities but usual y takes a more activist and at times radical

homosexual, which was imposed by a then discriminatory

stance that critiques sexual categories. While queer was

medical system.

long considered a derogatory label, and still is by some,

The gay and lesbian rights movement became widely

the queer activist movement that emerged in the 1980s and

recognizable in the United States in the 1950s and contin-

early 1990s reclaimed the word and embraced it as a posi-

ues on today, as evidenced by prominent issues regarding

tive. As you can see, there is a diversity of identities among

sexual orientation in national news and politics. National

sexual minorities, just as there is variation within races and

and international groups like the Human Rights Campaign

genders.

advocate for rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender,

As with other cultural identities, notions of sexuality

and queer (LGBTQ) communities. While these commu-

have been social y constructed in different ways throughout

nities are often grouped together within one acronym human history. Sexual orientation didn’t come into being as (LGBTQ), they are different. Gays and lesbians constitute

an identity category until the late 1800s. Before that, sexual-

the most visible of the groups and receive the most atten-

ity was viewed in more physical or spiritual senses that were

tion and funding. Bisexuals are rarely visible or included in

largely separate from a person’s identity. Table 1.3 traces

TABLE 1.3 developments Related to Sexuality, Identity, and Communication

Year(s)

Development

1400 bce–

During the Greek and Roman era, there was no conception of sexual orientation as an identity. However, sexual 565 bce

relationships between men were accepted for some members of society. Also at this time, Greek poet Sappho wrote about love between women.

533

Byzantine Emperor Justinian makes adultery and same-sex sexual acts punishable by death.

1533

Civil law in England indicates the death penalty can be given for same-sex sexual acts between men.

1810

Napoleonic Code in France removes all penalties for any sexual activity between consenting adults.

1861

England removes death penalty for same-sex sexual acts.

1892

The term heterosexuality is coined to refer a form of “sexual perversion” in which people engage in sexual acts for reasons other than reproduction.

1897

Dr. Magnus Hirschfield founds the Scientific Humanitarian Committee in Berlin. It is the first gay rights organization.

1900–1930

Doctors “treat” homosexuality with castration, electro-shock therapy, and incarceration in mental hospitals.

1924

The first gay rights organization in the United States, the Chicago Society for Human Rights, is founded.

1933–44

Tens of thousands of gay men are sent to concentration camps under Nazi rule. The prisoners are forced to wear pink triangles on their uniforms. The pink triangle was later reclaimed as a symbol of gay rights.

1934

The terms heterosexuality and homosexuality appear in Webster’s dictionary with general y the same meaning the terms hold today.

1948

American sexologist Alfred Kinsey’s research reveals that more people than thought have engaged in same-sex sexual activity. His research highlights the existence of bisexuality.

1969

On June 27, patrons at the Stonewall Inn in New York City fight back as police raid the bar (a common practice used by police at the time to harass gay people). “The Stonewall Riot,” as it came to be called, was led by gay, lesbian, and transgender patrons of the bar, many of whom were working class and/or people of color.

1974

The American Psychiatric Association removes its reference to homosexuality as a mental illness.

1999

The Vermont Supreme Court rules that the state must provide legal rights to same-sex couples. In 2000, Vermont becomes the first state to offer same-sex couples civil unions.

2003

The U.S. Supreme Court rules that Texas’s sodomy law is unconstitutional, which effectively decriminalizes consensual same-sex relations.

2011

The U.S. military policy “Don’t Ask Don’t Tel ” is repealed, allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly.

Adapted from Allen (2011) and University of Denver Queer and Al y Commission (2008).

14 • CHAPTER 1

some of the developments relevant to sexuality, identity,

associated with it. Ableism is the system of beliefs and

and communication that show how this cultural identity

practices that produces a physical and mental standard

has been constructed over the past 3,000 years.

that is projected as normal for a human being and labels

deviations from it abnormal, resulting in unequal treat-

Ability

ment and access to resources. Ability privilege refers to

There is resistance to classifying ability as a cultural iden-

the unearned advantages that are provided for people who

tity, because we follow a medical model of disability that

fit the cognitive and physical norms (Allen, 2011). I once

places disability as an individual and medical rather than

attended a workshop about ability privilege led by a man

social and cultural issue. While much of what distinguishes

who was visual y impaired. He talked about how, unlike

able-bodied and cognitively able from disabled is rooted in

other cultural identities that are typical y stable over a life-

science, biology, and physiology, there are important socio-

time, ability fluctuates for most people. We have all experi-

cultural dimensions. The Americans with Disabilities Act

enced times when we are more or less able.

(ADA) defines an individual with a disability as “a person

Perhaps you broke your leg and had to use crutches

who has a physical or mental impairment that substantial y

or a wheelchair for a while. Getting sick for a prolonged

limits one or more major life activities, a person who has a

period of time also lessens our abilities, but we may ful y

history or record of such an impairment, or a person who is

recover from any of these examples and regain our ability

perceived by others as having such an impairment” (Allen,

privilege. Whether you’ve experienced a short-term dis-

2011, p. 12). An impairment is defined as “any temporary or

ability or not, the majority of us will become less physical y

permanent loss or abnormality of a body structure or func-

and cognitively able as we get older.

tion, whether physiological or psychological” (Allen, 2011).

Statistical y, people with disabilities make up the larg-

This definition is important because it notes the social est minority group in the United States, with an estimated aspect of disability in that people’s life activities are limited

20% of people five years or older living with some form

and the relational aspect of disability in that the perception

of disability (Allen, 2011). Medical advances have allowed

of a disability by others can lead someone to be classified as

some people with disabilities to live longer and more

such. Ascribing an identity of disabled to a person can be

active lives than before, which has led to an increase in

problematic. If there is a mental or physical impairment, it

the number of people with disabilities. This number could

should be diagnosed by a credentialed expert. If there isn’t

continue to increase, as we have thousands of veterans

an impairment, then the label of disabled can have negative

returning from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan with

impacts, as this label carries social and cultural significance.

physical disabilities or psychological impairments such as

People are tracked into various educational programs based

posttraumatic stress disorder.

on their physical and cognitive abilities, and there are many

As disability has been constructed in U.S. history, it

cases of people being mistakenly labeled disabled who were

has intersected with other cultural identities. For exam-

treated differently despite their protest of the ascribed label.

ple, people opposed to “political and social equality for

Students who did not speak English as a first language, for

women cited their supposed physical, intellectual, and

example, were—and perhaps still are—sometimes put into

psychological flaws, deficits, and deviations from the male

special education classes.

norm.” They framed women as emotional, irrational, and

Ability, just as the other cultural identities dis-

unstable, which was used to put them into the “scientific”

cussed, has institutionalized privileges and disadvantages

category of “feeblemindedness,” which led them to be

institutionalized (Carlson, 2001). Arguments supporting

racial inequality and tighter immigration restrictions also

drew on notions of disability, framing certain racial groups

as prone to mental retardation, mental illness, or uncon-

trol able emotions and actions. See Table 1.4 for a timeline

of developments related to ability, identity, and communi-

cation. These thoughts led to a dark time in U.S. history,

as the eugenics movement sought to limit reproduction of

people deemed as deficient.

As recently disabled veterans integrate back into civilian

During the early part of the 1900s, the eugenics move-

life, they will be offered assistance and accommodations

ment was the epitome of the move to rehabilitate or reject

under the Americans with disabilities Act. (110518-M-EC403-102

people with disabilities (Allen, 2005). This was a brand of

by Wounded Warrior Regiment is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.) social engineering that was indicative of a strong public

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 15

TABLE 1.4 developments Related to Ability, Identity, and Communication

Year(s)

Development

400 bce

The Greeks make connections between biology, physiology, and actions. For example, they make a connection between epilepsy and a disorder of the mind but still consider the source to be supernatural or divine.

30–480

People with disabilities are viewed with pity by early Christians and thought to be so conditioned because of an impurity that could possibly be addressed through prayer.

500–1500

As beliefs in the supernatural increase during the Middle Ages, people with disabilities are seen as manifestations of evil and are ridiculed and persecuted.

1650–1789

During the Enlightenment, the first large-scale movements toward the medical model are made, as science and medicine advance and society turns to a view of human rationality.

1900s

The eugenics movement in the United States begins. Laws are passed to sterilize the “social y inadequate,” and during this time, more than sixty thousand people were forcibly sterilized in thirty-three states.

1930s

People with disabilities become the first targets of experimentation and mass execution by the Nazis.

1970s

The independent living movement becomes a prominent part of the disability rights movement.

1990

The Americans with Disabilities Act is passed through Congress and signed into law.

From Shreve (n.d.).

support in the rationality of science to cure society’s prob-

there will be more instances of interability communication

lems (Allen, n.d. ). A sterilization law written in 1914 “pro-

taking place.

posed to authorize sterilization of the social y inadequate,”

Interability communication is communication between

which included the “feebleminded, insane, criminalistic,

people with differing ability levels; for example, a hear-

epileptic, inebriate, diseased, blind, deaf, deformed, and

ing person communicating with someone who is hearing

dependent” (Lombardo, n.d. ). During the eugenics move-

impaired or a person who doesn’t use a wheelchair commu-

ment in the United States, more than sixty thousand people

nicating with someone who uses a wheelchair. Since many

in thirty-three states were involuntarily sterilized (Allen,

people are unsure of how to communicate with a person

2011). Although the eugenics movement as it was envi-

with disabilities, following are the “Ten Commandments

sioned and enacted then is unthinkable today, some who

of Etiquette for Communicating with People with Disabil-

have studied the eugenics movement of the early 1900s

ities” to help you in communicating with persons with dis-

have issued warnings that a newly packaged version of

abilities (Office of Disability Employment Policy, n.d.):

eugenics could be upon us. As human genome mapping

and DNA manipulation become more accessible, advanced

1. When talking with a person with a disability, speak

genetic testing could enable parents to eliminate undesir-

directly to that person rather than through a compan-

able aspects or enhance desirable characteristics of their

ion or sign-language interpreter.

children before they are born, creating “designer children”

2. When introduced to a person with a disability, it is

(Spice, 2005).

appropriate to offer to shake hands. People with lim-

Much has changed for people with disabilities in the

ited hand use or an artificial limb can usual y shake

United States in the past fifty years. The independent living

hands. (Shaking hands with the left hand is an accept-

movement (ILM) was a part of the disability rights move-

able greeting.)

ment that took shape along with other social movements

3. When meeting a person who is visual y impaired,

of the 1960s and 1970s. The ILM cal s for more individual

always identify yourself and others who may be with

and collective action toward social change by people with

you. When conversing in a group, remember to iden-

disabilities. Some of the goals of the ILM include reframing

tify the person to whom you are speaking.

disability as a social and political rather than just a medi-

4. If you offer assistance, wait until the offer is accepted.

cal issue, a shift toward changing society rather than just

Then listen to or ask for instructions.

rehabilitating people with disabilities, a view of accom-

5. Treat adults as adults. Address people who have dis-

modations as civil rights rather than charity, and more

abilities by their first names only when extending the

involvement by people with disabilities in the formulation

same familiarity to all others. (Never patronize people

and execution of policies relating to them (Longmore,

who use wheelchairs by patting them on the head or

2003). As society better adapts to people with disabilities,

shoulder.)

16 • CHAPTER 1

6. Leaning on or hanging on to a person’s wheelchair is

our changing world. Changing economies and technolo-

similar to leaning or hanging on to a person and is

gies intersect with culture in meaningful ways (Martin &

general y considered annoying. The chair is part of the

Nakayama, 2010). As was noted earlier, technology has cre-

personal body space of the person who uses it.

ated for some a global village where vast distances are now

7. Listen attentively when you’re talking with a person

much shorter due to new technology that make travel and

who has difficulty speaking. Be patient and wait for

communication more accessible and convenient (McLu-

the person to finish, rather than correcting or speaking

han, 1967). However, as the following “Getting Plugged In”

for the person. If necessary, ask short questions that

box indicates, there is also a digital divide, which refers

require short answers, a nod, or a shake of the head.

to the unequal access to technology and related skil s that

Never pretend to understand if you are having diffi-

exists in much of the world. People in most fields will be

culty doing so. Instead, repeat what you have under-

more successful if they are prepared to work in a global-

stood and allow the person to respond. The response

ized world. Obviously, the global market sets up the need

will clue you in and guide your understanding.

to have intercultural competence for employees who travel

8. When speaking with a person who uses a wheelchair or

between locations of a multinational corporation. Perhaps

a person who uses crutches, place yourself at eye level

less obvious may be the need for teachers to work with stu-

in front of the person to facilitate the conversation.

dents who do not speak English as their first language and

9. To get the attention of a person who is deaf, tap the

for police officers, lawyers, managers, and medical person-

person on the shoulder or wave your hand. Look nel to be able to work with people who have various cul-

directly at the person and speak clearly, slowly, and

tural identities.

expressively to determine if the person can read

your lips. Not all people who are deaf can read lips.

For those who do lip read, be sensitive to their needs

■  “Getting Plugged In” • The Digital Divide

by placing yourself so that you face the light source

Many people who are now college age struggle to imag-

and keep hands, cigarettes, and food away from your

ine a time without cell phones and the Internet. As “digital

mouth when speaking.

natives” it is probably also surprising to realize the number

10. Relax. Don’t be embarrassed if you happen to use of people who do not have access to certain technologies.

accepted, common expressions such as “See you later”

The digital divide was a term that initially referred to gaps in

or “Did you hear about that?” that seem to relate to

access to computers. The term expanded to include access

a person’s disability. Don’t be afraid to ask questions

to the Internet since it exploded onto the technology scene

when you’re unsure of what to do.

and is now connected to virtually all computing (van Deursen

& van Dijk, 2010). Approximately two billion people around

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION

the world now access the Internet regularly, and those who

It is through intercultural communication that we come

don’t face several disadvantages (Smith, 2011). Discussions of

to create, understand, and transform culture and identity.

the digital divide are now turning more specifically to high-

Intercultural communication is communication between

speed Internet access, and the discussion is moving beyond

people with differing cultural identities. One reason we

the physical access divide to include the skills divide, the

should study intercultural communication is to foster economic opportunity divide, and the democratic divide.

greater self-awareness (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). Our

This divide doesn’t just exist in developing countries; it has

thought process regarding culture is often “other focused,”

become an increasing concern in the United States. This

meaning that the culture of the other person or group is

is relevant to cultural identities because there are already

what stands out in our perception. However, the old adage

inequalities in terms of access to technology based on age,

“know thyself” is appropriate, as we become more aware

race, and class (Sylvester & McGlynn, 2010). Scholars argue

of our own culture by better understanding other cul-

that these continued gaps will only serve to exacerbate exist-

tures and perspectives. Intercultural communication can

ing cultural and social inequalities. From an international per-

allow us to step outside of our comfortable, usual frame

spective, the United States is falling behind other countries in

of reference and see our culture through a different lens.

terms of access to high-speed Internet. South Korea, Japan,

Additional y, as we become more self-aware, we may also

Sweden, and Germany now all have faster average connec-

become more ethical communicators as we challenge our

tion speeds than the United States (Smith, 2011). And Finland

ethnocentrism, or our tendency to view our own culture

in 2010 became the first country in the world to declare that

as superior to other cultures.

all its citizens have a legal right to broadband Internet access

As was noted earlier, difference matters, and studying

(ben-Aaron, 2010). People in rural areas in the United States

intercultural communication can help us better negotiate

are especially disconnected from broadband service, with

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 17

about 11 million rural Americans unable to get the service at

home. As so much of our daily lives go online, it puts those

Cultural

Individual

who aren’t connected at a disadvantage. From paying bills

online, to interacting with government services, to applying

for jobs, to taking online college classes, to researching and

participating in political and social causes, the Internet con-

Personal

Contextual

nects to education, money, and politics.

1. What do you think of Finland’s inclusion of broadband

access as a legal right? Is this something that should

Differences

Similarities

be done in other countries? Why or why not?

2. How does the digital divide affect the notion of the

global village?

Static

Dynamic

3. How might limited access to technology negatively

affect various nondominant groups? ■

History/Past

Present/Future

Intercultural Communication:

A Dialectical Approach

Privilege

Disadvantage

Intercultural communication is complicated, messy, and at

times contradictory. Therefore it is not always easy to con-

FIGURE 1.1 dialectics of intercultural communication.

(Dialectics of Intercultural Communication by Judy Schmitt is used under

ceptualize or study. Taking a dialectical approach allows us

CC BY-NC-SA 4.0; adapted from Martin & Nakayama [1999].) to capture the dynamism of intercultural communication.

A dialectic is a relationship between two opposing con-

cepts that constantly push and pull one another (Martin

a dialectical approach is useful in studying intercultural

& Nakayama, 2010). To put it another way, thinking dia-

communication because it gets us out of our comfortable

lectical y helps us realize that our experiences often occur

and familiar ways of thinking. Since so much of under-

in between two different phenomena. This perspective is

standing culture and identity is understanding ourselves,

especial y useful for interpersonal and intercultural com-

having an unfamiliar lens through which to view culture

munication, because when we think dialectical y, we think

can offer us insights that our familiar lenses will not. Spe-

relational y. This means we look at the relationship between

cifical y, we can better understand intercultural communi-

aspects of intercultural communication rather than view-

cation by examining six dialectics (see Figure 1.1) (Martin

ing them in isolation. Intercultural communication occurs

& Nakayama, 1999).

as a dynamic in-betweenness that, while connected to the

The cultural-individual dialectic captures the inter-

individuals in an encounter, goes beyond the individuals,

play between patterned behaviors learned from a cultural

creating something unique. Holding a dialectical perspec-

group and individual behaviors that may be variations on

tive may be challenging for some Westerners, as it asks

or counter to those of the larger culture. This dialectic is

us to hold two contradictory ideas simultaneously, which

useful because it helps us account for exceptions to cultural

goes against much of what we are taught in our formal

norms. For example, earlier we learned that the United

education. Thinking dialectical y helps us see the com-

States is said to be a low-context culture, which means that

plexity in culture and identity because it doesn’t allow for

we value verbal communication as our primary, mean-

dichotomies. Dichotomies are dualistic ways of thinking

ing-rich form of communication. Conversely, Japan is said

that highlight opposites, reducing the ability to see grada-

to be a high-context culture, which means they often look

tions that exist in between concepts. Dichotomies such as

for nonverbal clues like tone, silence, or what is not said

good/evil, wrong/right, objective/subjective, male/female,

for meaning. However, you can find people in the United

in-group/out-group, Black/White, and so on form the basis

States who intentional y put much meaning into how they

of much of our thoughts on ethics, culture, and general

say things, perhaps because they are not as comfortable

philosophy, but this isn’t the only way of thinking (Marin

speaking directly what’s on their mind. We often do this

& Nakayama, 1999). Many Eastern cultures acknowledge

in situations where we may hurt someone’s feelings or

that the world isn’t dualistic. Rather, they accept as part

damage a relationship. Does that mean we come from a

of their reality that things that seem opposite are actual y

high-context culture? Does the Japanese man who speaks

interdependent and complement each other. I argue that

more than is social y acceptable come from a low-context

18 • CHAPTER 1

culture? The answer to both questions is no. Neither the

and plenty of female friends, and I don’t feel like any of

behaviors of a small percentage of individuals nor occa-

them are the opposite of me. Perhaps a better title for a

sional situational choices constitute a cultural pattern.

book would be Women and Men Are Both from Earth.

The personal-contextual dialectic highlights the con-

The static-dynamic dialectic suggests that culture

nection between our personal patterns of and preferences

and communication change over time yet often appear to

for communicating and how various contexts influence

be and are experienced as stable. Although it is true that

the personal. In some cases, our communication patterns

our cultural beliefs and practices are rooted in the past,

and preferences will stay the same across many contexts.

we have already discussed how cultural categories that

In other cases, a context shift may lead us to alter our

most of us assume to be stable, like race and gender, have

communication and adapt. For example, an American changed dramatical y in just the past fifty years. Some cul-businesswoman may prefer to communicate with her tural values remain relatively consistent over time, which employees in an informal and laid-back manner. When

allows us to make some generalizations about a culture.

she is promoted to manage a department in her company’s

For example, cultures have different orientations to time.

There has been controversy over whether the

office in Malaysia, she may again prefer to communicate

The Chinese have a longer-term orientation to time than

Confederate flag is a symbol of hatred or a historical

symbol that acknowledges the time of the Civil War.

with her new Malaysian employees the same way she did

do Europeans (Lustig & Koester, 2006). This is evidenced

(Confederate Rebel Flag by Jim Surkamp is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.) with those in the United States. In the United States, we

in something that dates back as far as astrology. The Chi-

know that there are some accepted norms that communi-

nese zodiac is done annual y (The Year of the Monkey,

cation in work contexts is more formal than in personal

etc.), while European astrology was organized by month

contexts. However, we also know that individual managers

(Taurus, etc.). While this cultural orientation to time has

often adapt these expectations to suit their own personal

been around for generations, as China becomes more

tastes. This type of managerial discretion would likely not

Westernized in terms of technology, business, and com-

go over as well in Malaysia where there is a greater empha-

merce, it could also adopt some views on time that are

sis put on power distance (Hofstede, 1991). So while the

more short term.

American manager may not know to adapt to the new con-

The history/past-present/future dialectic reminds us

text unless she has a high degree of intercultural commu-

to understand that while current cultural conditions are

nication competence, Malaysian managers would realize

important and that our actions now will inevitably affect

that this is an instance where the context likely influences

our future, those conditions are not without a history. We

communication more than personal preferences.

always view history through the lens of the present. Perhaps

The differences-similarities dialectic allows us to no example is more entrenched in our past and avoided in examine how we are simultaneously similar to and dif-our present as the history of slavery in the United States.

ferent from others. As was noted earlier, it’s easy to fall

Where I grew up in the Southern United States, race was

into a view of intercultural communication as “other ori-

something that came up frequently. The high school I

ented” and set up dichotomies between “us” and “them.”

attended was 30% minorities (mostly African American)

When we overfocus on differences, we can end up polar-

and also had a noticeable number of White teens (mostly

izing groups that actual y have things in common. When

male) who proudly displayed Confederate flags on their

we overfocus on similarities, we essentialize, or reduce/

clothing or vehicles.

overlook important variations within a group. This ten-

I remember an instance in a history class where we

dency is evident in most of the popular, and some of the

were discussing slavery and the subject of repatriation, or

academic, conversations regarding “gender differences.” compensation for descendants of slaves, came up. A White The book Men Are from Mars and Women Are from Venus

male student in the class proclaimed, “I’ve never owned

makes it seem like men and women aren’t even species that

slaves. Why should I have to care about this now?” While

hail from the same planet. The media is quick to include a

his statement about not owning slaves is valid, it doesn’t

blurb from a research study indicating again how men and

acknowledge that effects of slavery still linger today and

women are “wired” to communicate differently. However,

that the repercussions of such a long and unjust period

the overwhelming majority of current research on gender

of our history don’t disappear over the course of a few

and communication finds that while there are differences

generations.

between how men and women communicate, there are far

The privileges-disadvantages dialectic captures the

more similarities (Allen, 2011). Even the language we use

complex interrelation of unearned, systemic advantages

to describe the genders sets up dichotomies. That’s why I

and disadvantages that operate among our various iden-

suggest that my students use the term other gender instead

tities. As was discussed earlier, our society consists of

of the commonly used opposite sex. I have a mom, a sister,

dominant and nondominant groups. Our cultures and

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 19

and plenty of female friends, and I don’t feel like any of

immigration, laws, and religion. In 2011, France passed a law

them are the opposite of me. Perhaps a better title for a

banning the wearing of a niqab (pronounced knee-cobb),

book would be Women and Men Are Both from Earth.

which is an Islamic facial covering worn by some women that

The static-dynamic dialectic suggests that culture

only exposes the eyes. This law was aimed at “assimilating

and communication change over time yet often appear to

its Muslim population” of more than five million people and

be and are experienced as stable. Although it is true that

“defending French values and women’s rights” (de la Baume

our cultural beliefs and practices are rooted in the past,

& Goodman, 2011). Women found wearing the veil can now be

we have already discussed how cultural categories that

cited and fined $150 euros. Although the law went into effect

most of us assume to be stable, like race and gender, have

in April of 2011, the first fines were issued in late September

changed dramatical y in just the past fifty years. Some cul-

of 2011. Hind Ahmas, a woman who was fined, says she wel-

tural values remain relatively consistent over time, which

comes the punishment because she wants to challenge the

allows us to make some generalizations about a culture.

law in the European Court of Human Rights. She also stated

For example, cultures have different orientations to time.

There has been controversy over whether the

that she respects French laws but cannot abide by this one.

The Chinese have a longer-term orientation to time than

Confederate flag is a symbol of hatred or a historical

Her choice to wear the veil has been met with more than

symbol that acknowledges the time of the Civil War.

do Europeans (Lustig & Koester, 2006). This is evidenced

a fine. She recounts how she has been denied access to

(Confederate Rebel Flag by Jim Surkamp is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.) in something that dates back as far as astrology. The Chi-banks and other public buildings and was verbally harassed

nese zodiac is done annual y (The Year of the Monkey,

by a woman on the street and then punched in the face by

etc.), while European astrology was organized by month

identities have certain privileges and/or disadvantages. To

the woman’s husband. Another Muslim woman named Kenza

(Taurus, etc.). While this cultural orientation to time has

understand this dialectic, we must view culture and iden-

Drider, who can be seen in Video Clip 1.2, announced that

been around for generations, as China becomes more

tity through a lens of intersectionality, which asks us to

she will run for the presidency of France in order to challenge

Westernized in terms of technology, business, and com-

acknowledge that we each have multiple cultures and iden-

the law. The bill that contained the law was broadly supported

merce, it could also adopt some views on time that are

tities that intersect with each other. Because our identities

by politicians and the public in France, and similar laws are

more short term.

are complex, no one is completely privileged and no one

already in place in Belgium and are being proposed in Italy,

The history/past-present/future dialectic reminds us

is completely disadvantaged. For example, while we may

Austria, the Netherlands, and Switzerland (Fraser, 2011).

to understand that while current cultural conditions are

think of a White, heterosexual male as being very privi-

1. Some people who support the law argue that part of

important and that our actions now will inevitably affect

leged, he may also have a disability that leaves him without

integrating into Western society is showing your face.

our future, those conditions are not without a history. We

the able-bodied privilege that a Latina woman has. This is

Do you agree or disagree? Why?

always view history through the lens of the present. Perhaps

often a difficult dialectic for my students to understand,

2. Part of the argument for the law is to aid in the assim-

no example is more entrenched in our past and avoided in

because they are quick to point out exceptions that they

ilation of Muslim immigrants into French society. What

our present as the history of slavery in the United States.

think challenge this notion. For example, many people like

are some positives and negatives of this type of

Where I grew up in the Southern United States, race was

to point out Oprah Winfrey as a powerful African Amer-

assimilation?

something that came up frequently. The high school I

ican woman. While she is definitely now quite privileged

3. Identify which of the previously discussed dialectics

attended was 30% minorities (mostly African American)

despite her disadvantaged identities, her trajectory isn’t

can be seen in this case. How do these dialectics cap-

and also had a noticeable number of White teens (mostly

the norm. When we view privilege and disadvantage at the

ture the tensions involved? ■

male) who proudly displayed Confederate flags on their

cultural level, we cannot let individual exceptions distract

clothing or vehicles.

from the systemic and institutionalized ways in which

I remember an instance in a history class where we

some people in our society are disadvantaged while others

were discussing slavery and the subject of repatriation, or

are privileged.

VIDEO CLIP 1.2 Veiled Woman Eyes French Presidency

compensation for descendants of slaves, came up. A White

As these dialectics reiterate, culture and communica-

male student in the class proclaimed, “I’ve never owned

tion are complex systems that intersect with and diverge

Intercultural Communication and Relationships

slaves. Why should I have to care about this now?” While

from many contexts. A better understanding of all these

Intercultural relationships are formed between peo-

his statement about not owning slaves is valid, it doesn’t

dialectics helps us be more critical thinkers and competent

ple with different cultural identities and include friends,

acknowledge that effects of slavery still linger today and

communicators in a changing world.

romantic partners, family, and coworkers. Intercultural

that the repercussions of such a long and unjust period

relationships have benefits and drawbacks. Some of the

of our history don’t disappear over the course of a few

benefits include increasing cultural knowledge, challeng-

generations.

■ Getting Critical” • Immigration, Laws, and Religion

ing previously held stereotypes, and learning new skil s

The privileges-disadvantages dialectic captures the

France, like the United States, has a constitutional separa-

(Martin & Nakayama, 2010). For example, I learned about

complex interrelation of unearned, systemic advantages

tion between church and state. As many countries in Europe,

the Vietnamese New Year celebration Tet from a friend

and disadvantages that operate among our various iden-

including France, Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, and

I made in graduate school. This same friend also taught

tities. As was discussed earlier, our society consists of

Sweden, have experienced influxes of immigrants, many

me how to make some delicious Vietnamese foods that

dominant and nondominant groups. Our cultures and

of them Muslim, there have been growing tensions among

I continue to cook today. I likely would not have gained

20 • CHAPTER 1

this cultural knowledge or skill without the benefits of my

and overcoming language barriers increase the likelihood

intercultural friendship. Intercultural relationships also of intercultural friendship formation (Sias et al., 2008). In present challenges, however.

some cases, previous intercultural experience, like studying

The dialectics discussed earlier affect our intercultural

abroad in college or living in a diverse place, may motivate

relationships. The similarities-differences dialectic in par-

someone to pursue intercultural friendships once they are

ticular may present challenges to relationship formation

no longer in that context. When friendships cross nation-

(Martin & Nakayama, 2010). While differences between

ality, it may be necessary to invest more time in common

people’s cultural identities may be obvious, it takes some

understanding, due to language barriers. With sufficient

effort to uncover commonalities that can form the basis of

motivation and language skil s, communication exchanges

a relationship. Perceived differences in general also create

through self-disclosure can then further relational for-

anxiety and uncertainty that is not as present in intracul-

mation. Research has shown that individuals from differ-

tural relationships. Once some similarities are found, the

ent countries in intercultural friendships differ in terms

tension within the dialectic begins to balance out and of the topics and depth of self-disclosure, but that as the uncertainty and anxiety lessen. Negative stereotypes may

friendship progresses, self-disclosure increases in depth

also hinder progress toward relational development, espe-

and breadth (Chen & Nakazawa, 2009). Further, as people

cial y if the individuals are not open to adjusting their

overcome initial challenges to initiating an intercultural

preexisting beliefs. Intercultural relationships may also friendship and move toward mutual self-disclosure, the take more work to nurture and maintain. The benefit of

relationship becomes more intimate, which helps friends

increased cultural awareness is often achieved, because the

work through and move beyond their cultural differences

relational partners explain their cultures to each other. This

to focus on maintaining their relationship. In this sense,

type of explaining requires time, effort, and patience and

intercultural friendships can be just as strong and enduring

may be an extra burden that some are not willing to carry.

as other friendships (Lee, 2006).

Last, engaging in intercultural relationships can lead to

The potential for broadening one’s perspective and learn-

questioning or even backlash from one’s own group. I expe-

ing more about cultural identities is not always balanced,

rienced this type of backlash from my White classmates in

however. In some instances, members of a dominant culture

middle school who teased me for hanging out with the

may be more interested in sharing their culture with their

African American kids on my bus. While these challenges

intercultural friend than they are in learning about their

range from mild inconveniences to more serious repercus-

friend’s culture, which il ustrates how context and power

sions, they are important to be aware of. As noted earlier,

influence friendships (Lee, 2006). A research study found a

intercultural relationships can take many forms. The focus

similar power dynamic, as European Americans in intercul-

of this section is on friendships and romantic relationships,

tural friendships stated they were open to exploring every-

but much of the following discussion can be extended to

one’s culture but also communicated that culture wasn’t a big

other relationship types.

part of their intercultural friendships, as they just saw their

friends as people. As the researcher states, “These types of

Intercultural Friendships

responses may demonstrate that it is easiest for the group

Even within the United States, views of friendship vary

with the most socioeconomic and socio-cultural power to

based on cultural identities. Research on friendship has

ignore the rules, assume they have the power as individu-

shown that Latinos/as value relational support and posi-

als to change the rules, or assume that no rules exist, since

tive feedback, Asian Americans emphasize exchanges of

others are adapting to them rather than vice versa” (Collier,

ideas like offering feedback or asking for guidance, Afri-

1996). Again, intercultural friendships il ustrate the com-

can Americans value respect and mutual acceptance, and

plexity of culture and the importance of remaining mindful

European Americans value recognition of each other of your communication and the contexts in which it occurs.

as individuals (Collier, 1996). Despite the differences in

emphasis, research also shows that the overall definition

Culture and Romantic Relationships

of a close friend is similar across cultures. A close friend is

Romantic relationships are influenced by society and

thought of as someone who is helpful and nonjudgmental,

culture, and still today some people face discrimination

who you enjoy spending time with but can also be inde-

based on who they love. Specifical y, sexual orientation

pendent, and who shares similar interests and personality

and race affect societal views of romantic relationships.

traits (Lee, 2006).

Although the United States, as a whole, is becoming more

Intercultural friendship formation may face challenges

accepting of gay and lesbian relationships, there is still a

that other friendships do not. Prior intercultural experience

climate of prejudice and discrimination that individuals

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 21

in same-gender romantic relationships must face. Despite

some physical and virtual meeting places for gay and les-

bian people, there are challenges for meeting and starting

romantic relationships that are not experienced for most

heterosexual people (Peplau & Spalding, 2000).

As we’ve already discussed, romantic relationships are

likely to begin due to merely being exposed to another per-

son at work, through a friend, and so on. But some gay

and lesbian people may feel pressured into or just feel more

comfortable not disclosing or displaying their sexual orien-

tation at work or perhaps even to some family and friends,

which closes off important social networks through which

most romantic relationships begin. In June 2020, in Bostock

v. Clayton County, the Supreme Court ruled in accordance

The Supreme Court ruled in the 1967 Loving v. Virginia

case that states could not enforce laws banning interracial

with Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that employees

marriages. (3232601024_6ef4148de9_b by Bahá’ís of the U.S. is used under shall be protected against discrimination because of their

CC BY-NC 2.0.)

sexual orientation or gender identity (Bostock v. Clayton

County, 2020). There are also some challenges faced by gay

and culture are complex, we can see that gay and lesbian

and lesbian partners regarding relationship termination.

relationships can also be intercultural if the partners are of

Gay and lesbian couples do not have the same legal and

different racial or ethnic backgrounds.

societal resources to manage their relationships as hetero-

While interracial relationships have occurred through-

sexual couples; for example, gay and lesbian relationships

out history, there have been more historical taboos in the

are not legal y recognized in most states, it is more difficult

United States regarding relationships between African

for a gay or lesbian couple to jointly own property or share

Americans and White people than other racial groups.

custody of children than heterosexual couples, and there is

Antimiscegenation laws were common in states and

little public funding for relationship counseling or couples

made it illegal for people of different racial/ethnic groups

therapy for gay and lesbian couples.

to marry. It wasn’t until 1967 that the Supreme Court ruled

While this lack of barriers may make it easier for in the case of Loving v. Virginia, declaring these laws to gay and lesbian partners to break out of an unhappy or

be unconstitutional (Pratt, 1995). It wasn’t until 1998 and

unhealthy relationship, it could also lead couples to ter-

2000, however, that South Carolina and Alabama removed

mination who may have been helped by the sociolegal

such language from their state constitutions (Loving Day,

support systems available to heterosexuals (Peplau & Spal-

2012). The organization and website lovingday.org com-

ding, 2000).

memorates the landmark case and works to end racial

Despite these challenges, relationships between gay prejudice through education.

and lesbian people are similar in other ways to those

Even after these changes, there were more Asian-White

between heterosexuals. Gay, lesbian, and heterosexual and Latinx-White relationships than there were African people seek similar qualities in a potential mate, and once

American–White relationships (Gaines & Brennan, 2011).

relationships are established, all these groups experience

Having already discussed the importance of similarity in

similar degrees of relational satisfaction (Peplau & Spal-

attraction to mates, it’s important to note that partners in

ding, 2000). Despite the myth that one person plays the

an interracial relationship, although cultural y different,

man and one plays the woman in a relationship, gay and

tend to be similar in occupation and income. This can

lesbian partners do not have set preferences in terms of

likely be explained by the situational influences on our

gender role. In fact, research shows that while women in

relationship formation we discussed earlier—namely, that

heterosexual relationships tend to do more of the house-

work tends to be a starting ground for many of our rela-

work, gay and lesbian couples were more likely to divide

tionships, and we usual y work with people who have sim-

tasks so that each person has an equal share of responsi-

ilar backgrounds to us.

bility (Peplau & Spalding, 2000). A gay or lesbian couple

There has been much research on interracial couples

doesn’t necessarily constitute an intercultural relationship,

that counters the popular notion that partners may be less

but as we have already discussed, sexuality is an import-

satisfied in their relationships due to cultural differences.

ant part of an individual’s identity and connects to larger

In fact, relational satisfaction isn’t significantly different

social and cultural systems. Keeping in mind that identity

for interracial partners, although the challenges they may

22 • CHAPTER 1

face in finding acceptance from other people could lead to

Members of dominant groups are often less motivated,

stressors that are not as strong for intracultural partners

intrinsical y and extrinsical y, toward intercultural commu-

(Gaines & Brennan, 2011). Although partners in interra-

nication than members of nondominant groups, because

cial relationships certainly face challenges, there are posi-

they don’t see the incentives for doing so. Having more

tives. For example, some mention that they’ve experienced

power in communication encounters can create an unbal-

personal growth by learning about their partner’s cultural

anced situation where the individual from the nondomi-

background, which helps them gain alternative perspec-

nant group is expected to exhibit competence, or the ability

tives. Specifical y, White people in interracial relationships

to adapt to the communication behaviors and attitudes of

have cited an awareness of and empathy for racism that

the other. Even in situations where extrinsic rewards like

still exists, which they may not have been aware of before

securing an overseas business investment are at stake, it is

(Gaines & Liu, 2000).

likely that the foreign investor is much more accustomed

to adapting to United States business customs and commu-

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION

nication than vice versa. This expectation that others wil

COMPETENCE

adapt to our communication can be unconscious, but later

Throughout this book we have been putting various tools

ICC skil s we will learn will help bring it to awareness.

in our communication toolbox to improve our communi-

The unbalanced situation I just described is a daily

cation competence. Many of these tools can be translated

reality for many individuals with nondominant identi-

into intercultural contexts. While building any form of

ties. Their motivation toward intercultural communica-

competence requires effort, building intercultural commu-

tion may be driven by survival in terms of functioning

nication competence often requires us to take more risks.

effectively in dominant contexts. Recall the phenomenon

Some of these risks require us to leave our comfort zones

known as code-switching discussed earlier, in which indi-

and adapt to new and uncertain situations. In this section,

viduals from nondominant groups adapt their communi-

we will learn some of the skil s needed to be an intercultur-

cation to fit in with the dominant group. In such instances,

al y competent communicator.

African Americans may “talk White” by conforming to

what is called “standard English,” women in corporate

Components of Intercultural

environments may adapt masculine communication pat-

Communication Competence

terns, people who are gay or lesbian may self-censor and

Intercultural communication competence (ICC) is the

avoid discussing their same-gender partners with cowork-

ability to communicate effectively and appropriately in ers, and people with nonvisible disabilities may not dis-various cultural contexts. There are numerous compo-

close them in order to avoid judgment.

nents of ICC. Some key components include motivation,

While intrinsic motivation captures an idealistic view

self- and other knowledge, and tolerance for uncertainty.

of intercultural communication as rewarding in its own

Initial y, a person’s motivation for communicating right, many contexts create extrinsic motivation. In either with people from other cultures must be considered. case, there is a risk that an individual’s motivation can Motivation refers to the root of a person’s desire to foster

still lead to incompetent communication. For example, it

intercultural relationships and can be intrinsic or extrin-

would be exploitative for an extrinsical y motivated person

sic (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). Put simply, if a person

to pursue intercultural communication solely for an exter-

isn’t motivated to communicate with people from differ-

nal reward and then abandon the intercultural relationship

ent cultures, then the components of ICC discussed next

once the reward is attained. These situations highlight the

don’t real y matter. If a person has a healthy curiosity that

relational aspect of ICC, meaning that the motivation of

drives him or her toward intercultural encounters in order

all parties should be considered. Motivation alone cannot

to learn more about self and others, then there is a foun-

create ICC.

dation from which to build additional competence-rele-

Knowledge supplements motivation and is an import-

vant attitudes and skil s. This intrinsic motivation makes

ant part of building ICC. Knowledge includes self- and

intercultural communication a voluntary, rewarding, and

other-awareness, mindfulness, and cognitive flexibility.

lifelong learning process. Motivation can also be extrinsic,

Building knowledge of our own cultures, identities, and

meaning that the desire for intercultural communication

communication patterns takes more than passive experi-

is driven by an outside reward like money, power, or rec-

ence (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). We learn who we are

ognition. While both types of motivation can contribute

through our interactions with others. Developing cultural

to ICC, context may further enhance or impede a person’s

self-awareness often requires us to get out of our comfort

motivation to communicate across cultures.

zones. Listening to people who are different from us is a

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 23

key component of developing self-knowledge. This may be

focus on the interactive process like “How is our com-

uncomfortable, because we may realize that people think

munication going? What are my reactions? What are

of our identities differently than we thought. For example,

their reactions?” Being able to adapt our communication

when I lived in Sweden, my Swedish roommates often dis-

in the moment based on our answers to these questions

cussed how they were wary of befriending students from

is a skill that comes with a high level of ICC. Reflecting

the United States. They perceived U.S. Americans to be

on the communication encounter later to see what can

shallow because they were friendly and exciting while they

be learned is also a way to build ICC. We should then be

were in Sweden but didn’t remain friends once they left.

able to incorporate what we learned into our communi-

Although I was initial y upset by their assessment, I came to

cation frameworks, which requires cognitive flexibility.

see the truth in it. Swedes are general y more reserved than

Cognitive flexibility refers to the ability to continual y

U.S. Americans and take longer to form close friendships.

supplement and revise existing knowledge to create new

The comparatively extroverted nature of the Americans led

categories rather than forcing new knowledge into old cat-

some of the Swedes to overestimate the depth of their rela-

egories. Cognitive flexibility helps prevent our knowledge

tionship, which ultimately hurt them when the Americans

from becoming stale and also prevents the formation of

didn’t stay in touch. This made me more aware of how my

stereotypes and can help us avoid prejudging an encounter

communication was perceived, enhancing my self-knowl-

or jumping to conclusions. In summary, to be better inter-

edge. I also learned more about communication behaviors

cultural communicators, we should know much about

of the Swedes, which contributed to my other-knowledge.

others and ourselves and be able to reflect on and adapt

The most effective way to develop other-knowledge is

our knowledge as we gain new experiences.

by direct and thoughtful encounters with other cultures.

Motivation and knowledge can inform us as we

However, people may not readily have these opportunities

gain new experiences, but how we feel in the moment

for a variety of reasons. Despite the overall diversity in the

of intercultural encounters is also important. Tolerance

United States, many people still only interact with people

for uncertainty refers to an individual’s attitude about

who are similar to them. Even in a racial y diverse edu-

and level of comfort in uncertain situations (Martin &

cational setting, for example, people often group off with

Nakayama, 2010). Some people perform better in uncer-

people of their own race. While a heterosexual person may

tain situations than others, and intercultural encounters

have a gay or lesbian friend or relative, they likely spend

often bring up uncertainty. Whether communicating with

most of their time with other heterosexuals. Unless you

someone of a different gender, race, or nationality, we are

interact with people with disabilities as part of your job

often wondering what we should or shouldn’t do or say.

or have a person with a disability in your friend or family

Situations of uncertainty most often become clearer as

group, you likely spend most of your time interacting with

they progress, but the anxiety that an individual with a low

able-bodied people. Living in a rural area may limit your

tolerance for uncertainty feels may lead them to leave the

ability to interact with a range of cultures, and most peo-

situation or otherwise communicate in a less competent

ple do not travel international y regularly. Because of this,

manner. Individuals with a high tolerance for uncertainty

we may have to make a determined effort to interact with

may exhibit more patience, waiting on new information to

other cultures or rely on educational sources like college

become available or seeking out information, which may

classes, books, or documentaries. Learning another lan-

then increase the understanding of the situation and lead

guage is also a good way to learn about a culture, because

to a more successful outcome (Pusch, 2009). Individuals

you can then read the news or watch movies in the native

who are intrinsical y motivated toward intercultural com-

language, which can offer insights that are lost in transla-

munication may have a higher tolerance for uncertainty, in

tion. It is important to note though that we must evaluate

that their curiosity leads them to engage with others who

the credibility of the source of our knowledge, whether

are different because they find the self- and other-knowl-

it is a book, person, or other source. Also, knowledge of

edge gained rewarding.

another language does not automatical y equate to ICC.

Developing self- and other-knowledge is an ongoing

Cultivating Intercultural

process that will continue to adapt and grow as we encoun-

Communication Competence

ter new experiences. Mindfulness and cognitive complex-

How can ICC be built and achieved? This is a key question

ity will help as we continue to build our ICC (Pusch, 2009).

we will address in this section. Two main ways to build

Mindfulness is a state of self- and other-monitoring that

ICC are through experiential learning and reflective prac-

informs later reflection on communication interactions.

tices (Bednarz, 2010). We must first realize that compe-

As mindful communicators we should ask questions that

tence isn’t any one thing. Part of being competent means

24 • CHAPTER 1

that you can assess new situations and adapt your exist-

events, organize the world, and use rules of logic (Nisbett,

ing knowledge to the new contexts. What it means to be

2003). Some cultures have a cognitive style that focuses

competent will vary depending on your physical location,

more on tasks, analytic and objective thinking, details and

your role (personal, professional, etc.), and your life stage,

precision, inner direction, and independence, while others

among other things. Sometimes we will know or be able

focus on relationships and people over tasks and things,

to figure out what is expected of us in a given situation,

concrete and metaphorical thinking, and a group con-

but sometimes we may need to act in unexpected ways to

sciousness and harmony.

meet the needs of a situation. Competence enables us to

Developing ICC is a complex learning process. At

better cope with the unexpected, adapt to the nonroutine,

the basic level of learning, we accumulate knowledge and

and connect to uncommon frameworks. I have always told

assimilate it into our existing frameworks. But accumu-

my students that ICC is less about a list of rules and more

lated knowledge doesn’t necessarily help us in situations

about a box of tools.

where we have to apply that knowledge. Transforma-

Three ways to cultivate ICC are to foster attitudes that

tive learning takes place at the highest levels and occurs

motivate us, discover knowledge that informs us, and when we encounter situations that challenge our accu-develop skil s that enable us (Bennett, 2009). To foster atti-

mulated knowledge and our ability to accommodate that

tudes that motivate us, we must develop a sense of won-

knowledge to manage a real-world situation. The cog-

der about culture. This sense of wonder can lead to feeling

nitive dissonance that results in these situations is often

overwhelmed, humbled, or awed (Opdal, 2001). This sense

uncomfortable and can lead to a hesitance to repeat such

of wonder may correlate to a high tolerance for uncer-

an engagement. One tip for cultivating ICC that can help

tainty, which can help us turn potential y frustrating expe-

manage these challenges is to find a community of like-

riences we have into teachable moments. I’ve had many

minded people who are also motivated to develop ICC.

such moments in my intercultural encounters at home and

In my graduate program, I lived in the international dor-

abroad. One such moment came the first time I tried to

mitory in order to experience the cultural diversity that I

cook a frozen pizza in the oven in the shared kitchen of my

had enjoyed so much studying abroad a few years earlier. I

apartment in Sweden. The information on the packaging

was surrounded by international students and U.S. Amer-

was written in Swedish, but like many college students, I

ican students who were more or less interested in cultural

had a wealth of experience cooking frozen pizzas to draw

diversity. This ended up being a tremendous learning expe-

from. As I went to set the oven dial to preheat, I noticed it

rience, and I worked on research about identity and com-

was strange that the oven didn’t go up to my usual 425–450

munication between international and American students.

degrees. Not to be deterred, I cranked the dial up as far as

Developing skil s that enable us is another part of ICC.

it would go, waited a few minutes, put my pizza in, and

Some of the skil s important to ICC are the ability to empa-

walked down the hall to my room to wait for about fifteen

thize, accumulate cultural information, listen, resolve con-

minutes until the pizza was done. The smell of smoke drew

flict, and manage anxiety (Bennett, 2009). Again, you are

me from my room before the fifteen minutes was up, and

already developing a foundation for these skil s by read-

I walked into a corridor filled with smoke and the smell

ing this book, but you can expand those skil s to intercul-

of burnt pizza. I pulled the pizza out and was puzzled for

tural settings with the motivation and knowledge already

a few minutes while I tried to figure out why the pizza

described. Contact alone does not increase intercultural

burned so quickly, when one of my corridor-mates gen-

skil s; there must be more deliberate measures taken to

tly pointed out that the oven temperatures in Sweden are

ful y capitalize on those encounters. While research now

listed in Celsius, not Fahrenheit! Despite almost burning

shows that intercultural contact does decrease prejudices,

the kitchen down, I learned a valuable lesson about assum-

this is not enough to become intercultural y competent.

ing my map for temperatures and frozen pizzas was the

The ability to empathize and manage anxiety enhances

same as everyone else’s.

prejudice reduction, and these two skil s have been shown

Discovering knowledge that informs us is another step

to enhance the overall impact of intercultural contact even

that can build on our motivation. One tool involves learn-

more than acquiring cultural knowledge. There is inter-

ing more about our cognitive style, or how we learn. Our

cultural training available for people who are interested.

cognitive style consists of our preferred patterns for “gath-

If you can’t access training, you may choose to research

ering information, constructing meaning, and organizing

intercultural training on your own, as there are many

and applying knowledge” (Bennett, 2009). As we explore

books, articles, and manuals written on the subject.

cognitive styles, we discover that there are differences

Reflective practices can also help us process through

in how people attend to and perceive the world, explain

rewards and challenges associated with developing ICC.

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 25

As we open ourselves to new experiences, we are likely to

we are guilty of TUI, such as uncritically accepting the dom-

have both positive and negative reactions. It can be very

inant belief systems, relying on stereotypes, or prejudging

useful to take note of negative or defensive reactions you

someone based on their identities. She recounts seeing a

have. This can help you identify certain triggers that may

picture on the front of the newspaper with three men who

create barriers to effective intercultural interaction. Not-

appeared Latino. She found herself wondering what they had

ing positive experiences can also help you identify trig-

done, and then found out from the caption that they were the

gers for learning that you could seek out or recreate to

relatives of people who died in a car crash. She identified

enhance the positive (Bednarz, 2010). A more complex

that as a TUI moment and asked herself if she would have

method of reflection is called intersectional reflexivity.

had the same thought if they had been Black, White, Asian,

Intersectional reflexivity is a reflective practice by which

or female. When we feel “surprised” by someone different,

we acknowledge intersecting identities, both privileged this often points to a preexisting negative assumption that we and disadvantaged, and implicate ourselves in social hier-can unpack and learn from. Allen also found herself surprised

archies and inequalities (Jones, 2010). This method brings

when a panelist at a conference who used a wheelchair and

in the concepts of dominant and nondominant groups and

was hearing impaired made witty comments. Upon reflec-

the privileges/disadvantages dialectic we discussed earlier.

tion, she realized that she had an assumption that people

While formal intercultural experiences like study-

with disabilities would have a gloomy outlook on life. While

ing abroad or volunteering for the Special Olympics or a

these examples focus on out-groups, she also notes that it’s

shelter for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer

important for people, especially in nondominant groups, to

(LGBTQ) youth can result in learning, informal experi-

monitor their thoughts about their own group, as they may

ences are also important. We may be less likely to include

have internalized negative attitudes about their group from

informal experiences in our reflection if we don’t see them

the dominant culture. As a Black woman, she notes that she

as legitimate. Reflection should also include “critical inci-

has been critical of Black people who “do not speak main-

dents” or what I call “a-ha! moments.” Think of reflection

stream English” based on stereotypes she internalized about

as a tool for metacompetence that can be useful in bring-

race, language, and intelligence. It is not automatically a bad

ing the formal and informal together (Bednarz, 2010).

thing to TUI. Even Brenda Allen, an accomplished and admi-

rable scholar of culture and communication, catches herself

doing it. When we notice that we TUI, it’s important to reflect

■ “Getting Competent” •

on that moment and try to adjust our thinking processes. This

Thinking under the Influence

is an ongoing process, but it is an easy-to-remember way

Communication and culture scholar Brenda Allen coined

to cultivate your ICC. Keep a record of instances where you

the phrase “thinking under the influence” (TUI) to highlight

catch yourself “thinking under the influence” and answer the

a reflective process that can help us hone our intercultural

following questions:

communication competence (Allen, 2011). As we discussed

1. What triggers you to TUI?

earlier, being mindful is an important part of building com-

petence. Once we can become aware of our thought pro-

2. Where did these influences on your thought come

cesses and behaviors, we can more effectively monitor and

from?

intervene in them. She asks us to monitor our thoughts and

3. What concepts from this chapter can you apply to

feelings about other people, both similar to and different from

change your thought processes? ■

us. As we monitor, we should try to identify instances when

KEY TAKEAWAYS

• Culture is an ongoing negotiation of learned patterns of beliefs,

• Social identities are components of self that are derived from

attitudes, values, and behaviors.

our involvement in social groups to which we are interperson-

• Each of us has personal, social, and cultural identities.

ally invested.

• Personal identities are components of self that are primarily

• Cultural identities are components of self based on socially

intrapersonal and connect to our individual interests and life

constructed categories that teach us a way of being and include

experiences.

expectations for our thoughts and behaviors.

26 • CHAPTER 1

• Nondominant identity formation may include a person moving

self-awareness and be better able to communicate in a world

from unawareness of the importance of their identities, to

with changing demographics and technologies.

adopting the values of dominant society, to separating from

• A dialectical approach to studying intercultural communication

dominant society, to integrating components of identities.

is useful because it allows us to think about culture and identity

• Dominant identity formation may include a person moving from

in complex ways, avoiding dichotomies and acknowledging the

unawareness of their identities, to accepting the identity hierar-

tensions that must be negotiated.

chy, to separation from and guilt regarding the dominant group,

• Intercultural relationships face some challenges in negotiat-

to redefining and integrating components of identities.

ing the dialectic between similarities and differences but can

• Difference matters because people are treated differently

also produce rewards in terms of fostering self- and other

based on their identities and demographics and patterns of

awareness.

interaction are changing. Knowing why and how this came to

• Getting integrated: Intercultural communication competence

be and how to navigate our increasingly diverse society can

(ICC) is the ability to communicate effectively and appropriately

make us more competent communicators.

in various cultural contexts. ICC also has the potential to benefit

• The social constructionist view of culture and identity states

you in academic, professional, personal, and civic contexts.

that the self is formed through our interactions with others and

• A person with appropriate intrinsic or extrinsic motivation to

in relation to social, cultural, and political contexts.

engage in intercultural communication can develop self- and

• Race, gender, sexuality, and ability are socially constructed cul-

other-knowledge that will contribute to their ability to be

tural identities that developed over time in relation to historical,

mindful of their own communication and tolerate uncertain

social, and political contexts.

situations.

• Race, gender, sexuality, and ability are cultural identities that

• We can cultivate ICC by fostering attitudes that motivate us,

affect our communication and our relationships.

discovering knowledge that informs us, and developing skills

• Studying intercultural communication, communication between

that enable us.

people with differing cultural identities, can help us gain more

EXERCISES

1. List some of your personal, social, and cultural identities. Are

for Communicating with People with Disabilities” have influ-

there any that relate? If so, how? For your cultural identities,

enced how you communicated in this instance? Why or why not?

which ones are dominant and which ones are nondominant?

8. Why is the phrase “Know thyself” relevant to the study of inter-

What would a person who looked at this list be able to tell

cultural communication?

about you?

9. Apply at least one of the six dialectics to a recent intercultural

2. Describe a situation in which someone ascribed an identity to

interaction that you had. How does this dialectic help you

you that didn’t match with your avowed identities. Why do you

understand or analyze the situation?

think the person ascribed the identity to you? Were there any

10. Do some research on your state’s laws by answering the follow-

stereotypes involved?

ing questions: Did your state have antimiscegenation laws? If

3. Getting integrated: Review the section that explains why

so, when were they repealed? Does your state legally recognize

difference matters. Discuss the ways in which difference may

gay and lesbian relationships? If so, how?

influence how you communicate in each of the following con-

11. Identify an intercultural encounter in which you did not commu-

texts: academic, professional, and personal.

nicate as competently as you would have liked. What concept(s)

4. Do you ever have difficulty discussing different cultural iden-

from the chapter would have helped you in this situation and

tities due to terminology? If so, what are your uncertainties?

how?

What did you learn in this chapter that can help you overcome

12. Which of the following components of ICC—motivation, mind-

them?

fulness, cognitive flexibility, and tolerance for uncertainty—do

5. What comes to mind when you hear the word feminist? How did

you think you are most competent at, and which one needs the

you come to have the ideas you have about feminism?

most work? Identify how you became so competent at the first

6. How do you see sexuality connect to identity in the media? Why

one and some ways that you can improve the second one.

do you think the media portrays sexuality and identity the way

13. Choose one of the three ways discussed to cultivate ICC and

it does?

make a list of five steps you can take to enhance this part of

7. Think of an instance in which you had an interaction with some-

your competence.

one with a disability. Would knowing the “Ten Commandments

InTRoduCTIon To InTERCulTuRAl CommunICATIon • 27

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CHAPTER 2

Contents

CHAPTER 2

Social Categorization, Stereotyping,

Social Categorization, Stereotyping,

and Discrimination

and Discrimination 29

SOURCE

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION AND STEREOTYPING

31

Stangor, C., Jhangiani, R., & Tarry, H. (2014). Stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. In C. Stangor (Ed.), Principles of social psychology (1st int’l ed.). BCcampus. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from https://opentextbc.ca/socialpsychology/

Spontaneous Social Categorization 32

part/chapter-12-stereotypes-prejudice-and-discrimination/

(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

The Benefits of Social Categorization 33

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. Describe the fundamental process of social categorization and

5. Summarize the results of Henri Tajfel’s research on minimal

The Negative Outcomes of Social Categorization

33

its influence on thoughts, feelings, and behavior.

groups.

2. Define stereotypes and describe the ways that stereotypes are

6. Outline the personality and cultural variables that influence

INGROUP FAVORITISM AND PREJUDICE 38

measured.

ingroup favoritism.

3. Review the ways that stereotypes influence our behavior.

7. Review the causes of discrimination and the ways that we can

Liking “Us” More Than “Them”: Ingroup Favoritism 38

4. Review the causes and outcomes of ingroup favoritism.

reduce it.

8. Summarize the conditions under which intergroup contact does

The Outcomes of Ingroup Favoritism 39

or does not reduce prejudice and discrimination.

Ingroup Favoritism Has Many Causes 40

KEY TERMS

authoritarianism

feelings of social identity

prejudice

When Ingroup Favoritism Does Not Occur

40

black sheep effect

group-serving bias

social categorization

bogus pipeline procedure

Implicit Association Test (IAT)

social dominance orientation (SDO)

Personality and Cultural Determinants of Ingroup Favoritism 41

common ingroup identity

ingroup favoritism

stereotype

REDUCING DISCRIMINATION

42

contact hypothesis

interdependence

stereotype threat

discrimination

jigsaw classroom

superordinate goals

Reducing Discrimination by Changing Social Norms 43

extended-contact hypothesis

outgroup homogeneity

ultimate attribution error

Reducing Prejudice through Intergroup Contact

44

Moving Others Closer to Us: The Benefits of Recategorization 46

■

as an “aggressive minority” whose children have venereal

State-Sanctioned Homophobia

disease, and, in 2012, a well-known news anchor recom-

In recent years, the Russian government has enacted a

mended on air that the hearts of victims of car accidents

THINKING LIKE A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIST ABOUT STEREOTYPING,

series of laws designed to target members of its LGBT (les-

PREJUDICE, AND DISCRIMINATION

48

bian-gay-bisexual-transgender) community. These include

forcing LGBT organizations to register as “foreign agents,”

CHAPTER SUMMARY

48

banning depictions of homosexuality (including carrying

rainbow flags) in front of young people, and denying permis-

REFERENCES 50

sion to LGBT groups wanting to organize gay pride parades.

Unfortunately, homophobic attitudes and even violence

are not uncommon in Russian society. For example, groups

such as Occupy Gerontilyaj have been known to lure and

then beat and torture gay teenagers. In 2012, a video that

surfaced online showed six members of another far-right-

wing organization torturing a young man who later died,

according to the Spectrum Human Rights Alliance (a group

that advocated for LGBT rights in Eastern Europe).

lGBT activists are attacked during an action “day of

The tone of some of the Russian media reflects these

Kisses” against a homophobic bill in moscow. (Image by Roma

attitudes. For instance, the LGBT community are portrayed

Yandolin is used under CC BY SA 2.0.) 29

30 • CHAPTER 2

that happen to be homosexual “should be buried or burnt as

unfit for prolonging anybody’s life.”

In recent years, several commentators have drawn par-

allels between Russia’s persecution of its LGBT community

and the treatment of the Jewish community by the Nazi

regime in the years leading up to the Holocaust.

In 2014, public figures around the world called for a boy-

cott (unsuccessfully) of the Winter Olympic Games in Sochi,

arguing that the language of the Olympic Charter explicitly

denounces all forms of discrimination. Ultimately, the Winter

Olympic Games went ahead as planned, although athletes

and Olympic tourists alike were warned against promoting

FIGURE 2.2 do you have stereotypes about any of these people? (Women with baby by Francesco Veronesi is used under CC BY-NC-SA

2.0; DSC_0957a by andy orin is used under CC BY 2.0; Suspension by kris krüg is used under CC BY-SA 2.0; ASHS students studying by Mosborne01 is used under

“non-traditional sexual relations.”

CC BY-SA 3.0.)

Sources

FIGURE 2.1 Relationships among social groups are

Ennis, S. (2014, January 14). Homophobia spreads in Russian media.

influenced by the ABCs of social psychology.

BBC News. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-25778272

Michaelson, J. (2014, June 9). Homophobia in Russia is taking a

we may use those beliefs to guide our actions toward peo-

Kafkaesque turn. The Daily Beast. http://www.thedailybeast.com/

ple from those groups (Figure 2.2). In addition to our ste-

articles/2014/06/09/homophobia-in-russia-is-taking-a-kafkaesque-

reotypes, we may also develop prejudice—an unjustifiable

turn.html

negative attitude toward an outgroup or toward the mem-

Nemtsova, A. (2013, August 9). Russia: The next Third Reich? The Daily

bers of that outgroup. Prejudice can take the form of dislik-

Beast. https://www.thedailybeast.com/russia-the-next-third-reich ■

ing, anger, fear, disgust, discomfort, and even hatred—the

kind of affective states that can lead to behavior such as

C

the gay bashing you just read about. Our stereotypes and

ontemporary increases in globalization and immigra-

our prejudices are problematic because they may create

tion are leading to more cultural y diverse populations

discrimination—unjustified negative behaviors toward

in many countries. These changes will create many benefits

members of outgroups based on their group membership.

for society and for the individuals within it. Gender, cul-

Although violence against members of outgroups is

tural, sexual orientation, and ethnic diversity can improve

fortunately rare, stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimina-

creativity and group performance, facilitate new ways of

tion nevertheless influence people’s lives in a variety of

looking at problems, and allow multiple viewpoints on

ways. Stereotypes influence our academic performance

decisions (Cunningham, 2011; Mannix & Neale, 2005; van

(Shapiro & Neuberg, 2007), the careers that we chose to

Knippenberg & Schippers, 2007). On the other hand, as we

follow (Zhang et al., 2009), our experiences at work (Fiske

have seen in many places in this book, perceived similarity

& Lee, 2008), and the amount that we are paid for the work

is an extremely important determinant of liking. Members

that we do (Jackson, 2011; Wood & Eagly, 2010).

of cultural y diverse groups may be less attracted to each

Stereotypes and prejudice have a pervasive and often

other than are members of more homogeneous groups,

pernicious influence on our responses to others, and also

may have more difficulty communicating with each other,

in some cases on our own behaviors. To take one example,

and in some cases may actively dislike and even engage in

social psychological research has found that our stereo-

aggressive behavior toward each other.

types may in some cases lead to stereotype threat—per-

The principles of social psychology, including the formance decrements that are caused by the knowledge of ABCs—affect, behavior, and cognition—apply to the study

cultural stereotypes. Spencer et al. (1999) found that when

of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination, and social

women were reminded of the (untrue) stereotype that

psychologists have expended substantial research efforts

“women are poor at math,” they performed more poorly

studying these concepts (Figure 2.1). The cognitive com-

on math tests than when they were not reminded of the

ponent in our perceptions of group members is the stereo-

stereotype, and other research has found stereotype threat

type—the positive or negative beliefs that we hold about

in many other domains as wel . We’ll consider the role of

the characteristics of social group. We may decide that

stereotype threat in more detail later in this chapter.

“French people are romantic,” that “old people are incom-

In one particularly disturbing line of research about the

petent,” or that “college professors are absent minded.” And

influence of prejudice on behaviors, Joshua Correll and his

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 31

FIGURE 2.2 do you have stereotypes about any of these people? (Women with baby by Francesco Veronesi is used under CC BY-NC-SA

2.0; DSC_0957a by andy orin is used under CC BY 2.0; Suspension by kris krüg is used under CC BY-SA 2.0; ASHS students studying by Mosborne01 is used under

CC BY-SA 3.0.)

colleagues had White participants participate in an exper-

and our prejudices. We will consider the negative out-

iment in which they viewed photographs of White and

comes of those beliefs on the targets of our perceptions,

Black people on a computer screen. Across the experiment,

and we will consider ways that we might be able to change

we may use those beliefs to guide our actions toward peo-

the photographs showed the people holding either a gun

those beliefs, or at least help us stop acting upon them.

ple from those groups (Figure 2.2). In addition to our ste-

or something harmless such as a cell phone. The partici-

Let’s begin by considering the cognitive side of our group

reotypes, we may also develop prejudice—an unjustifiable

pants were asked to decide as quickly as possible to press

beliefs—focusing primarily on stereotypes—before turn-

negative attitude toward an outgroup or toward the mem-

a button to “shoot” if the target held a weapon but to “not

ing to the important role of feelings in prejudice.

bers of that outgroup. Prejudice can take the form of dislik-

shoot” if the person did not hold a weapon. Overal , the

ing, anger, fear, disgust, discomfort, and even hatred—the

White participants tended to shoot more often when the

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION

kind of affective states that can lead to behavior such as

person holding the object was Black than when the person

AND STEREOTYPING

the gay bashing you just read about. Our stereotypes and

holding the object was White, and this occurred even when

Thinking about others in terms of their group member-

our prejudices are problematic because they may create

there was no weapon present (Correll et al., 2007a; Correl

ships is known as social categorization—the natural cog-

discrimination—unjustified negative behaviors toward

et al., 2007b).

nitive process by which we place individuals into social

members of outgroups based on their group membership.

Discrimination is a major societal problem because it

groups. Social categorization occurs when we think of

Although violence against members of outgroups is

is so pervasive, takes so many forms, and has such nega-

someone as a man (versus a woman), an old person (ver-

fortunately rare, stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimina-

tive effects on so many people. Even people who are paid

sus a young person), a Black person (versus an Asian or

tion nevertheless influence people’s lives in a variety of

to be unbiased may discriminate. Price and Wolfers (2007)

White person), and so on (Al port, 1954/1979). Just as we

ways. Stereotypes influence our academic performance

found that White players in National Basketball Associa-

categorize objects into different types, so do we categorize

(Shapiro & Neuberg, 2007), the careers that we chose to

tion games received fewer fouls when more of the referees

people according to their social group memberships. Once

follow (Zhang et al., 2009), our experiences at work (Fiske

present in the game were White, and Black players received

we do so, we begin to respond to those people more as

& Lee, 2008), and the amount that we are paid for the work

fewer fouls when more of the referees present in the game

members of a social group than as individuals.

that we do (Jackson, 2011; Wood & Eagly, 2010).

where Black. The implication is—whether they know it or

Imagine for a moment that two college students, Far-

Stereotypes and prejudice have a pervasive and often

not—the referees were discriminating on the basis of race.

had and Sarah, are talking at a table in the student union

pernicious influence on our responses to others, and also

You may have had some experiences where you found

at your college or university. At this point, we would prob-

in some cases on our own behaviors. To take one example,

yourself responding to another person on the basis of a

ably not consider them to be acting as group members,

social psychological research has found that our stereo-

stereotype or a prejudice, and perhaps the fact that you

but rather as two individuals. Farhad is expressing his

types may in some cases lead to stereotype threat—per-

did surprised you. Perhaps you then tried to get past these

opinions, and Sarah is expressing hers. Imagine, however,

formance decrements that are caused by the knowledge of

beliefs and to react to the person more on the basis of his

that as the conversation continues, Sarah brings up an

cultural stereotypes. Spencer et al. (1999) found that when

or her individual characteristics. We like some people and

assignment that she is completing for her women’s studies

women were reminded of the (untrue) stereotype that

we dislike others—this is natural—but we should not let

class. It turns out that Farhad does not think there should

“women are poor at math,” they performed more poorly

a person’s skin color, gender, age, religion, sexual orienta-

be a women’s studies program at the college, and he tel s

on math tests than when they were not reminded of the

tion, or ethnic background make these determinations for

Sarah so. He argues that if there is a women’s studies pro-

stereotype, and other research has found stereotype threat

us. And yet, despite our best intentions, we may end up

gram, then there should be a men’s studies program too.

in many other domains as wel . We’ll consider the role of

making friends only with people who are similar to us and

Furthermore, he argues that women are getting too many

stereotype threat in more detail later in this chapter.

perhaps even avoiding people whom we see as different.

breaks in job hiring and that qualified men are the targets

In one particularly disturbing line of research about the

In this chapter, we will study the processes by which

of discrimination. Sarah feels quite the contrary—argu-

influence of prejudice on behaviors, Joshua Correll and his

we develop, maintain, and make use of our stereotypes

ing that women have been the targets of sexism for many,

32 • CHAPTER 2

many years and even now do not have the same access to

Taylor and her colleagues (Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff, & Ruder-

high-paying jobs that men do.

man, 1978) showed their research participants a slide and

You can see that an interaction that began at individ-

tape presentation of three male and three female college

ual level, as two individuals conversing, has now turned

students who had supposedly participated in a discussion

to the group level, in which Farhad has begun to consider

group. During the presentation, each member of the dis-

himself as a man, and Sarah has begun to consider herself

cussion group made a suggestion about how to advertise a

as a woman. In short, Sarah is now arguing her points not

college play. The statements were controlled so that across

so much for herself as she is as a representative of one of

all the research participants, the statements made by the

her ingroups—namely, women—and Farhad is acting as a

men and the women were of equal length and quality.

representative of one of his ingroups—namely, men. Sarah

Furthermore, one half of the participants were told that

feels that her positions are correct, and she believes they

when the presentation was over, they would be asked to

are true not only for her but for women in general. And the

remember which person had made which suggestion,

same is true of Farhad. You can see that these social cate-

whereas the other half of the participants were told merely

gorizations may create some potential for misperception,

to observe the interaction without attending to anything

and perhaps even hostility. And Farhad and Sarah may

in particular.

even change their opinions about each other, forgetting

After they had viewed all the statements made by

that they real y like each other as individuals, because they

the individuals in the discussion group, the research

are now responding more as group members with oppos-

participants were given a memory test (this was entirely

ing views.

unexpected for the participants who had not been given

Imagine now that while Farhad and Sarah are still memory instructions). The participants were shown the talking, some students from another college, each wearing

list of all the statements that had been made, along with

the hats and jackets of that school, show up in the student

the pictures of each of the discussion group members, and

union. The presence of these outsiders might change the

were asked to indicate who had made each of the state-

direction of social categorization entirely, leading both ments. The research participants were not very good at this Farhad and Sarah to think of themselves as students at

task, and yet when they made mistakes, these errors were

their own college. And this social categorization might

very systematic.

lead them to become more aware of the positive charac-

As you can see in Table 2.1, the mistakes were such that

teristics of their college (the excellent rugby team, lovely

the statements that had actual y been made by a man were

campus, and intelligent students) in comparison with the

more frequently wrongly attributed to another man in the

characteristics of the other school. Now, rather than per-

group than to another woman, and the statements actu-

ceiving themselves as members of two different groups

al y made by a woman were more frequently attributed to

(men versus women), Farhad and Sarah might suddenly

other women in the group than to a man. The participants

perceive themselves as members of the same social cate-

evidently categorized the speakers by their gender, lead-

gory (students at their college).

ing them to make more within-gender than across-gender

Perhaps this example will help you see the flexibility

confusions.

of social categorization. We sometimes think of our rela-

Interestingly, and suggesting that categorization is

tionships with others at the individual level and some-

occurring all the time, the instructions that the partic-

times at the group level. And which groups we use in

ipants had been given made absolutely no difference.

social categorization can change over time and in different

There was just as much categorization for those who were

situations. You are more likely to categorize yourself as a

not given any instructions as for those who were told to

member of your college or university when your rugby or

remember who said what. Other research using this tech-

football team has just won a real y important game, or at

nique has found that we spontaneously categorize each

your graduation ceremony, than you would on a normal

other on the basis of many other group memberships,

evening out with your family. In these cases, your mem-

including race, academic status (student versus teacher),

bership as a university student is simply more salient and

important than it is every day, and you are more likely to

TABLE 2.1 name Confusions

categorize yourself accordingly.

Instructions

Within Race Errors

Between Race Errors

Spontaneous Social Categorization

Memory

5.78

4.29

Social categorization occurs spontaneously, without much

No memory

6.57

4.36

thought on our part (Crisp & Hewstone, 2007). Shelley

From Taylor et al. (1978).

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 33

world—things are complicated, and we reduce complexity

by relying on our stereotypes.

The Negative Outcomes of Social Categorization

Although thinking about others in terms of their social

category memberships has some potential benefits for

the person who does the categorizing, categorizing oth-

ers, rather than treating them as unique individuals with

their own unique characteristics, has a wide variety of neg-

ative, and often very unfair, outcomes for those who are

categorized.

One problem is that social categorization distorts our

perceptions such that we tend to exaggerate the differences

between people from different social groups while at the

FIGURE 2.3 If you are like most people, you will have a

same time perceiving members of groups (and particu-

strong desire to categorize this person as either male or

larly outgroups) as more similar to each other than they

female. (Chillin by Sabrina’s Stash is used under CC BY 2.0.)

actual y are. This overgeneralization makes it more likely

that we will think about and treat all members of a group

social roles, and other social categories (Fiske et al., 1991;

the same way. Tajfel and Wilkes (1963) performed a simple

Stangor et al., 1992).

experiment that provided a picture of the potential out-

The conclusion is simple, if perhaps obvious: Social

comes of categorization. As you can see in Figure 2.4, the

categorization is occurring all around us all the time. experiment involved having research participants judge Indeed, social categorization occurs so quickly that people

the length of six lines. In one of the experimental con-

may have difficulty not thinking about others in terms of

ditions, participants simply saw six lines, whereas in the

their group memberships (see Figure 2.3).

other condition, the lines were systematical y categorized

into two groups—one comprising the three shorter lines

The Benefits of Social Categorization

and one comprising the three longer lines.

The tendency to categorize others is often quite useful.

Tajfel found that the lines were perceived differently

In some cases, we categorize because doing so provides

when they were categorized, such that the differences

us with information about the characteristics of people

who belong to certain social groups (Lee et al., 1995). If

you found yourself lost in a city, you might look for a

police officer or a taxi driver to help you find your way.

In this case, social categorization would probably be use-

ful because a police officer or a taxi driver might be par-

ticularly likely to know the layout of the city streets. Of

course, using social categories will only be informative

to the extent that the stereotypes held by the individual

about that category are accurate. If police officers were

actual y not that knowledgeable about the city layout,

then using this categorization heuristic would not be

informative.

The description of social categorization as a heuristic is

also true in another sense: we sometimes categorize others

not because it seems to provide more information about

them but because we may not have the time (or the moti-

vation) to do anything more thorough. Using our stereo-

types to size up another person might simply make our life

FIGURE 2.4 Perceptual accentuation. lines C and d were

easier (Macrae et al., 1994). According to this approach,

seen as the same length in the noncategorized condition,

thinking about other people in terms of their social cate-

but line C was perceived as longer than line d when the

gory memberships is a functional way of dealing with the

lines were categorized into two groups. (From Tajfel [1970].)

34 • CHAPTER 2

between the groups and the similarities within the groups

other than they actual y are, it then becomes very easy

were emphasized. Specifical y, he found that although lines

to apply our stereotypes to the members of the groups

C and D (which are actual y the same length) were per-

without having to consider whether the characteristic is

ceived as equal in length when the lines were not catego-

actual y true of the particular individual. If men think

rized, line D was perceived as being significantly longer

that women are all alike, then they may also think that

than line C in the condition in which the lines were cate-

they all have the same positive and negative characteris-

gorized. In this case, categorization into two groups—the

tics (e.g., they’re nurturing, emotional). And women may

“short lines group” and the “long lines group”—produced a

have similarly simplified beliefs about men (e.g., they’re

perceptual bias such that the two groups of lines were seen

strong, unwilling to commit). The outcome is that the

as more different than they real y were.

stereotypes become linked to the group itself in a set of

Similar effects occur when we categorize other people.

mental representations (Figure 2.5). The stereotypes are

We tend to see people who belong to the same social group

“pictures in our heads” of the social groups (Lippman,

as more similar than they actual y are, and we tend to judge

1922). These beliefs just seem right and natural, even

people from different social groups as more different than

though they are frequently distorted overgeneralizations

they actual y are. The tendency to see members of social

(Hirschfeld, 1996; Yzerbyt et al., 1994).

groups as similar to each other is particularly strong for

Our stereotypes and prejudices are learned through

members of outgroups, resulting in outgroup homogene-

many different processes. This multiplicity of causes is

ity—the tendency to view members of outgroups as more

unfortunate because it makes stereotypes and prejudices

similar to each other than we see members of ingroups

even more likely to form and harder to change. For one,

(Linville et al., 1986; Ostrom & Sedi kides, 1992; Meiss ner

we learn our stereotypes in part through our communica-

& Brigham, 2001). Perhaps you have had this experience

tions with parents and peers (Aboud & Doyle, 1996) and

yourself when you found yourself thinking or saying, “Oh,

from the behaviors we see portrayed in the media (Brown,

them, they’re all the same!”

1995). Even five-year-old children have learned cultural

Patricia Linville and Edward Jones (1980) gave research

norms about the appropriate activities and behaviors for

participants a list of trait terms and asked them to think

boys and girls and also have developed stereotypes about

about either members of their own group (e.g., Blacks) or

age, race, and physical attractiveness (Bigler & Liben,

members of another group (e.g., Whites) and to place the

2006). And there is often good agreement about the ste-

trait terms into piles that represented different types of peo-

reotypes of social categories among the individuals within

ple in the group. The results of these studies, as well as other

a given culture. In one study assessing stereotypes, Steph-

studies like them, were clear: people perceive outgroups as

anie Madon and her colleagues (Madon et al., 2001) pre-

more homogeneous than their ingroup. Just as White peo-

sented U.S. college students with a list of 84 trait terms and

ple used fewer piles of traits to describe Blacks than Whites,

young people used fewer piles of traits to describe elderly

people than they did young people, and students used fewer

piles for members of other universities than they did for

members of their own university.

Outgroup homogeneity occurs in part because we

don’t have as much contact with outgroup members

as we do with ingroup members, and the quality

of interaction with outgroup members is often

more superficial. This prevents us from real y

learning about the outgroup members as

individuals, and as a result, we tend to

be unaware of the differences among the

group members. In addition to learning

less about them because we see and inter-

act with them less, we routinely categorize

outgroup members, thus making them FIGURE 2.5 Stereotypes are the beliefs associated with social categories.

appear more cognitively similar (Haslam The figure shows links between the social category of college professors

et al., 1996).

and its stereotypes as a type of neural network or schema. The

Once we begin to see the members representation also includes one image (or exemplar) of a particular college of outgroups as more similar to each professor whom the student knows. (Image courtesy of Dan Gilbert.)

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 35

FIGURE 2.6 Current stereotypes held by college students. (From Madon et al. [2001].) asked them to indicate for which groups each trait seemed

who drives particularly wel , we tend to forget it. This il u-

appropriate (Figure 2.6). The participants tended to agree

sory correlation is another example of the general principle

about what traits were true of which groups, and this was

of assimilation—we tend to perceive the world in ways that

true even for groups of which the respondents were likely

make it fit our existing beliefs more easily than we change

to never have met a single member (Arabs and Russians).

our beliefs to fit the reality around us.

Even today, there is good agreement about the stereotypes

And stereotypes become difficult to change because

of members of many social groups, including men and

they are so important to us—they become an integral and

women and a variety of ethnic groups.

important part of our everyday lives in our culture. Stereo-

Once they become established, stereotypes (like any

types are frequently expressed on TV, in movies, and in

other cognitive representation) tend to persevere. We social media, and we learn a lot of our beliefs from these begin to respond to members of stereotyped categories as

sources. Our friends also tend to hold beliefs similar to ours,

if we already knew what they were like. Yaacov Trope and

and we talk about these beliefs when we get together with

Eric Thompson (1997) found that individuals addressed

them (Schaller & Conway, 1999). In short, stereotypes and

fewer questions to members of categories about which

prejudice are powerful largely because they are important

they had strong stereotypes (as if they already knew what

social norms that are part of our culture (Guimond, 2000).

these people were like) and that the questions they did ask

Because they are so highly cognitively accessible, and

were likely to confirm the stereotypes they already had.

because they seem so “right,” our stereotypes easily influ-

In other cases, stereotypes are maintained because ence our judgments of and responses to those we have information that confirms our stereotypes is better remem-categorized. The social psychologist John Bargh once

bered than information that disconfirms them. When we

described stereotypes as “cognitive monsters” because

see members of social groups perform behaviors, we tend

their activation was so powerful and because the acti-

to better remember information that confirms our stereo-

vated beliefs had such insidious influences on social

types than we remember information that disconfirms judgment (Bargh, 1999). Making things even more dif-our stereotypes (Fyock & Stangor, 1994). If we believe that

ficult, stereotypes are strongest for the people who are in

women are bad drivers and we see a woman driving poorly,

most need of change—the people who are most preju-

then we tend to remember it, but when we see a woman

diced (Lepore & Brown, 1997).

36 • CHAPTER 2

Because stereotypes and prejudice often operate out

used to assess stereotypes and prejudice (Nosek et al.,

of our awareness, and also because people are frequently

2007). In the IAT, participants are asked to classify stimuli

unwilling to admit that they hold them, social psycholo-

that they view on a computer screen into one of two cate-

gists have developed methods for assessing them indirectly.

gories by pressing one of two computer keys, one with their

In the Research Focus box following, we will consider two

left hand and one with their right hand. Furthermore, the cat-

of these approaches—the bogus pipeline procedure and

egories are arranged so that the responses to be answered

the Implicit Association Test (IAT).

with the left and right buttons either “fit with” (match) the ste-

reotype or do not “fit with” (mismatch) the stereotype. For

instance, in one version of the IAT, participants are shown

■ Research Focus • Measuring Stereotypes Indirectly

pictures of men and women and are also shown words

One difficulty in measuring stereotypes and prejudice is that

related to academic disciplines (e.g., History, French, or Lin-

people may not tell the truth about their beliefs. Most people

guistics for the Arts, or Chemistry, Physics, or Math for the

do not want to admit—either to themselves or to others—that

Sciences). Then the participants categorize the photos (“Is

they hold stereotypes or that they are prejudiced toward

this picture a picture of a man or a woman?”) and answer

some social groups. To get around this problem, social psy-

questions about the disciplines (“Is this discipline a science?)

chologists make use of a number of techniques that help

by pressing either the Yes button or the No button using

them measure these beliefs more subtly and indirectly.

either their left hand or their right hand.

One indirect approach to assessing prejudice is called

When the responses are arranged on the screen in a

the bogus pipeline procedure (Jones & Sigall, 1971). In this

way that matches a stereotype, such that the male cate-

procedure, the experimenter first convinces the participants

gory and the “science” category are on the same side of

that he or she has access to their “true” beliefs, for instance,

the screen (e.g., on the right side), participants can do the

by getting access to a questionnaire that they completed

task very quickly and they make few mistakes. It’s just easier,

at a prior experimental session. Once the participants are

because the stereotypes are matched or associated with the

convinced that the researcher is able to assess their “true”

pictures in a way that makes sense or is familiar. But when

attitudes, it is expected that they will be more honest in

the images are arranged such that the female category and

answering the rest of the questions they are asked because

the “science” category are on the same side, whereas the

they want to be sure that the researcher does not catch

men and the weak categories are on the other side, most

them lying. Interestingly, people express more prejudice

participants make more errors and respond more slowly.

when they are in the bogus pipeline than they do when they

The basic assumption is that if two concepts are associated

are asked the same questions more directly, which suggests

or linked, they will be responded to more quickly if they are

that we may frequently mask our negative beliefs in public.

classified using the same, rather than different, keys.

Other indirect measures of prejudice are also frequently

Implicit association procedures such as the IAT show that

used in social psychological research; for instance, assess-

even participants who claim that they are not prejudiced do

ing nonverbal behaviors such as speech errors or physical

seem to hold cultural stereotypes about social groups. Even

closeness. One common measure involves asking partici-

Black people themselves respond more quickly to positive

pants to take a seat on a chair near a person from a different

words that are associated with White rather than Black faces

racial or ethnic group and measuring how far away the per-

on the IAT, suggesting that they have subtle racial prejudice

son sits (Sechrist & Stangor, 2001; Word et al., 1974). People toward their own racial group.

who sit farther away are assumed to be more prejudiced

Because they hold these beliefs, it is possible—although

toward the members of the group.

not guaranteed—that they may use them when responding

Because our stereotypes are activated spontaneously

to other people, creating a subtle and unconscious type of

when we think about members of different social groups, it is

discrimination. Although the meaning of the IAT has been

possible to use reaction-time measures to assess this activa-

debated (Tetlock & Mitchell, 2008), research using implicit

tion and thus to learn about people’s stereotypes and preju-

measures does suggest that—whether we know it or not,

dices. In these procedures, participants are asked to make a

and even though we may try to control them when we can—

series of judgments about pictures or descriptions of social

our stereotypes and prejudices are easily activated when

groups and then to answer questions as quickly as they can,

we see members of different social categories (Barden et

but without making mistakes. The speed of these responses

al., 2004).

is used to determine an individual’s stereotypes or prejudice.

Do you hold implicit prejudices? Try the IAT yourself,

The most popular reaction-time implicit measure of prej-

here: https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit ■

udice—the Implicit Association Test (IAT)—is frequently

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 37

Social Psychology in the Public Interest

Although in some cases the stereotypes that are used

to make judgments might actual y be true of the individual

Our stereotypes influence not only our judgments of oth-

being judged, in many other cases they are not. Stereotyp-

ers but also our beliefs about ourselves, and even our own

ing is problematic when the stereotypes we hold about a

performance on important tasks. In some cases, these

social group are inaccurate overal , and particularly when

beliefs may be positive, and they have the effect of mak-

they do not apply to the individual who is being judged

ing us feel more confident and thus better able to perform

(Stangor, 1995). Stereotyping others is simply unfair. Even

tasks. Because Asian students are aware of the stereotype

if many women are more emotional than are most men,

that “Asians are good at math,” reminding them of this fact

not all are, and it is not right to judge any one woman as

before they take a difficult math test can improve their

if she is.

performance on the test (Walton & Cohen, 2003). On the

In the end, stereotypes become self-fulfilling proph-

other hand, sometimes these beliefs are negative, and they

ecies, such that our expectations about the group mem-

create negative self-fulfilling prophecies such that we per-

bers make the stereotypes come true (Snyder et al., 1977;

form more poorly just because of our knowledge about the

Word et al., 1974). Once we believe that men make better

stereotypes.

leaders than women, we tend to behave toward men in

One of the long-standing puzzles in the area of aca-

ways that makes it easier for them to lead. And we behave

demic performance concerns why Black students in the

toward women in ways that makes it more difficult for

United States perform more poorly on standardized tests,

them to lead. The result? Men find it easier to excel in

receive lower grades, and are less likely to remain in school

leadership positions, whereas women have to work hard

in comparison with White students, even when other fac-

to overcome the false beliefs about their lack of leader-

tors such as family income, parents’ education, and other

ship abilities (Phelan & Rudman, 2010). This is likely why

relevant variables are controlled. Claude Steele and Joshua

female lawyers with masculine names are more likely to

Aronson (1995) tested the hypothesis that these differences

become judges (Coffey & McLaughlin, 2009) and mascu-

might be due to the activation of negative stereotypes.

line-looking applicants are more likely to be hired as lead-

Because Black students are aware of the (inaccurate) ste-

ers than feminine-looking applicants (von Stockhausen et

reotype that “Blacks are intellectual y inferior to Whites,”

al., 2013).

this stereotype might create a negative expectation, which

These self-fulfilling prophecies are ubiquitous—even

might interfere with their performance on intellectual tests

teachers’ expectations about their students’ academic abil-

through fear of confirming that stereotype.

ities can influence the students’ school performance (Jus-

In support of this hypothesis, Steele and Aronson’s

sim et al., 2009).

research revealed that Black college students performed

Of course, you may think that you personal y do not

worse (in comparison with their prior test scores) on math

behave in these ways, and you may not. But research has

questions taken from the Graduate Record Examination

found that stereotypes are often used out of our awareness,

(GRE) when the test was described to them as being “diag-

which makes it very difficult for us to correct for them.

nostic of their mathematical ability” (and thus when the

Even when we think we are being completely fair, we may

stereotype was relevant) but that their performance was

nevertheless be using our stereotypes to condone discrim-

not influenced when the same questions were framed as

ination (Chen & Bargh, 1999). And when we are distracted

“an exercise in problem solving.” And in another study,

or under time pressure, these tendencies become even Steele and Aronson found that when Black students were more powerful (Stangor & Duan, 1991).

asked to indicate their race before they took a math test

Furthermore, attempting to prevent our stereotype (again activating the stereotype), they performed more from coloring our reactions to others takes effort. We expe-poorly than they had on prior exams, whereas the scores

rience more negative affect (particularly anxiety) when we

of White students were not affected by first indicating their

are with members of other groups than we do when we are

race.

with people from our own groups, and we need to use more

Steele and Aronson argued that thinking about negative

cognitive resources to control our behavior because of our

stereotypes that are relevant to a task that one is perform-

anxiety about revealing our stereotypes or prejudices (Butz

ing creates stereotype threat—performance decrements

& Plant, 2006; Richeson & Shelton, 2003). When we know that are caused by the knowledge of cultural stereotypes.

that we need to control our expectations so that we do not

That is, they argued that the negative impact of race on

unintentional y stereotype the other person, we may try to

standardized tests may be caused, at least in part, by the

do so—but doing so takes effort and may frequently fail

performance situation itself. Because the threat is “in the

(Macrae et al., 1994).

air,” Black students may be negatively influenced by it.

38 • CHAPTER 2

Research has found that the experience of stereotype

personal information about the individual. And we have

threat can help explain a wide variety of performance seen that social categorization can have a variety of neg-decrements among those who are targeted by negative

ative consequences for the people who are the targets of

stereotypes. For instance, when a math task is described

our stereotypes. But social categorization becomes even

as diagnostic of intelligence, Latinos and particularly Lati-

more important, and has even more powerful effects on

nas perform more poorly than do Whites (Gonzales et al.,

our reactions to others, when the categorization becomes

2002). Similarly, when stereotypes are activated, children

more emotional y involving, and particularly when the

with low socioeconomic status perform more poorly in

categorization involves categorization into liked ingroups

math than do those with high socioeconomic status, and

and potential y disliked outgroups (Amodio & Devine,

psychology students perform more poorly than do nat-

2006).

ural science students (Brown et al., 2003). Even groups

Because our ancestors lived in small social groups that

who typical y enjoy advantaged social status can be made

were frequently in conflict with other groups, it was evo-

to experience stereotype threat. White men performed lutionarily functional for them to view members of other more poorly on a math test when they were told that their

groups as different and potential y dangerous (Brewer &

performance would be compared with that of Asian men

Caporael, 2006; Navarrete et al., 2004). Differentiating

(Aronson et al., 1999), and Whites performed more poorly

between “us” and “them” probably helped keep us safe and

than Blacks on a sport-related task when it was described

free from disease, and as a result, the human brain became

to them as measuring their natural athletic ability (Stone,

very efficient in making these distinctions (Mahajan et al.,

2002).

2011; Phelps et al., 2000; Van Vugt & Schaller, 2008; Zárate

Stereotype threat is created in situations that pose a

et al., 2008). The problem is that these natural y occur-

significant threat to self-concern, such that our percep-

ring tendencies may lead us to prefer people who are like

tions of ourselves as important, valuable, and capable us, and in some cases even to unfairly reject people from individuals are threatened. In these situations, there is a

outgroups.

discrepancy between our positive concept of our skil s and

abilities and the negative stereotypes suggesting poor per-

Liking “Us” More Than “Them”:

Ingroup Favoritism

formance. When our stereotypes lead us to be believe that

we are likely to perform poorly on a task, we experience a

In his important research on group perceptions, Henri

feeling of unease and status threat.

Tajfel and his colleagues (Tajfel et al., 1971) demonstrated

Research has found that stereotype threat is caused by

how incredibly powerful the role of self-concern is in

both cognitive and affective factors. On the cognitive side,

group perceptions. He found that just dividing people

individuals who are experiencing stereotype threat show

into arbitrary groups produces ingroup favoritism—the

an impairment in cognitive processing that is caused by

tendency to respond more positively to people from our

increased vigilance toward the environment and attempts

ingroups than we do to people from outgroups.

to suppress their stereotypical thoughts. On the affective

In Tajfel’s research, small groups of high school stu-

side, stereotype threat creates stress as well as a variety

dents came to his laboratory for a study supposedly con-

of affective responses including anxiety (Schmader et al.,

cerning “artistic tastes.” The students were first shown a

2008).

series of paintings by two contemporary artists, Paul Klee

Stereotype threat is not, however, absolute—we can get

and Wassily Kandinsky. Supposedly on the basis of their

past it if we try. What is important is to reduce the self-con-

preferences for each painting, the students were divided

cern that is engaged when we consider the relevant negative

into two groups (they were called the X group and the

stereotypes. Manipulations that affirm positive characteris-

Y group). Each boy was told which group he had been

tics about oneself or one’s group are successful at reducing

assigned to and that different boys were assigned to differ-

stereotype threat (Alter et al., 2010; Greenberg et al., 2003;

ent groups. But none of them were told the group mem-

McIntyre et al., 2003). In fact, just knowing that stereotype

berships of any of the other boys.

threat exists and may influence performance can help alle-

The boys were then given a chance to allocate points

viate its negative impact (Johns et al., 2005).

to other boys in their own group and to boys in the other

group (but never to themselves) using a series of payoff

INGROUP FAVORITISM AND PREJUDICE

matrices, such as those shown in Figure 2.7. The charts

We have now seen that social categorization occurs divided a given number of rewards between two boys,

whenever we think about others in terms of their cate-

and the boys thought that the rewards would be used

gory memberships rather than on the basis of other, more

to determine how much each boy would be paid for his

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 39

FIGURE 2.7 Examples of matrices used in the minimal intergroup studies of

Tajfel and his colleagues. (From Tajfel [1970].)

participation. In some cases, the division was between two

any real sense), we still perceive groups and still demon-

boys in the boy’s own group (the ingroup); in other cases,

strate ingroup favoritism.

the division was between two boys who had been assigned

The Outcomes of Ingroup Favoritism

to the other group (the outgroup); and in still other cases,

the division was between a boy in the ingroup and a boy in

The tendency to favor their ingroup develops quickly in

the outgroup. Tajfel then examined the goals that the boys

young children, increasing up to about six years of age,

used when they divided up the points.

and almost immediately begins to influence their behav-

A comparison of the boys’ choices in the different

ior (Aboud, 2003; Aboud & Amato, 2001). Young children

matrices showed that they allocated points between two

show greater liking for peers of their own sex and race and

boys in the ingroup or between two boys in the out-

typical y play with same-sex others after the age of three.

group in an essentially fair way, so that each boy got the

And there is a norm that we should favor our ingroups:

same amount. However, fairness was not the predom-

people like people who express ingroup favoritism better

inant approach when dividing points between ingroup

than those who are more egalitarian (Castelli & Carraro,

and outgroup. In this case, rather than exhibiting fair-

2010). Amazingly, even infants as young as nine months

ness, the boys displayed ingroup favoritism, such that

old prefer those who treat similar others well and dissimi-

they gave more points to other members of their own

lar others poorly (Hamlin et al., 2013). Ingroup favoritism

group in relationship to boys in the other group. For

is found for many different types of social groups, in many

instance, the boys might assign 8 points to the ingroup

different settings, on many different dimensions, and in

boy and only 3 points to the outgroup boy, even though

many different cultures (Bennett et al., 2004; Pinter &

the matrix also contained a choice in which they could

Greenwald, 2011). Ingroup favoritism also occurs on trait

give the ingroup and the outgroup boys 13 points each.

ratings, such that ingroup members are rated as having

In short, the boys preferred to maximize the gains of the

more positive characteristics than are outgroup members

other boys in their own group in comparison with the

(Hewstone, 1990). People also take credit for the successes

boys in the outgroup, even if doing so meant giving their

of other ingroup members, remember more positive than

own group members fewer points than they could oth-

negative information about ingroups, are more critical of

erwise have received.

the performance of outgroup than of ingroup members,

Perhaps the most striking part of Tajfel’s results is that

and believe that their own groups are less prejudiced than

ingroup favoritism was found to occur on the basis of such

are outgroups (Shelton & Richeson, 2005).

arbitrary and unimportant groupings. In fact, ingroup

People also talk differently about their ingroups than

favoritism occurs even when the assignment to groups is

their outgroups, such that they describe the ingroup and

on such trivial things as whether people “overestimate” or

its members as having broad positive traits (“We are gener-

“underestimate” the number of dots shown on a display,

ous and friendly”) but describe negative ingroup behaviors

or on the basis of a completely random coin toss (Billig &

in terms of the specific behaviors of single group mem-

Tajfel, 1973; Locksley et al., 1980). Tajfel’s research, as wel bers (“Our group member, Bil , hit someone”) (Maass &

other research demonstrating ingroup favoritism, provides

Arcuri, 1996; Maass et al., 1996; von Hippel et al., 1997).

a powerful demonstration of a very important social psy-

These actions allow us to spread positive characteristics to

chological process: groups exist simply because individu-

all members of our ingroup but reserve negative aspects for

als perceive those groups as existing. Even in a case where

individual group members, thereby protecting the group’s

there real y is no group (at least no meaningful group in

image.

40 • CHAPTER 2

People also make trait attributions in ways that ben-

Furthermore, when individuals feel that the value of

efit their ingroups, just as they make trait attributions their ingroup is being threatened, they respond as if they that benefit themselves. This general tendency, known as

are trying to regain their own self-worth—by express-

the group-serving bias (or ultimate attribution error),

ing more positive attitudes toward ingroups and more

results in the tendency for each of the competing groups

negative attitudes toward outgroups (Branscombe et al.,

to perceive the other group extremely and unrealistical y

1993; Spears et al., 1997). Fein and Spencer (1997) found negatively (Hewstone, 1990). When an ingroup member

that participants expressed less prejudice after they had

engages in a positive behavior, we tend to see it as a stable

been given the opportunity to affirm and make salient an

internal characteristic of the group as a whole. Similarly,

important and positive part of their own self-concept. In

negative behaviors on the part of the outgroup are seen

short, when our group seems to be good, we feel good;

as caused by stable negative group characteristics. On the

when our group seems to be bad, we feel bad.

other hand, negative behaviors from the ingroup and pos-

In some cases, we may be able to feel good about

itive behaviors from the outgroup are more likely to be

our group memberships even when our own individ-

seen as caused by temporary situational variables or by

ual outcomes are not so positive. Schmitt et al. (2000)

behaviors of specific individuals and are less likely to be

had groups of female college students perform a cre-

attributed to the group.

ativity task and then gave them feedback indicating that

although they themselves had performed very poorly,

Ingroup Favoritism Has Many Causes

another woman in their group had performed very

Ingroup favoritism has a number of causes. For one, it is

well. Furthermore, in some experimental conditions,

a natural part of social categorization; we categorize into

the women were told that the research was comparing

ingroups and outgroups because it helps us simplify and

the scores of men and women (which was designed to

structure our environment. It is easy, and perhaps even

increase categorization by gender). In these conditions,

natural, to believe in the simple idea that “we are better

rather than being saddened by the upward comparison

than they are.” People who report that they have strong

with the other woman, participants used the success-

needs for simplifying their environments also show more

ful performance of the other woman to feel good about

ingroup favoritism (Stangor & Leary, 2006).

themselves, as women.

Ingroup favoritism also occurs at least in part because

When Ingroup Favoritism Does Not Occur

we belong to the ingroup and not the outgroup (Cadinu

& Rothbart, 1996). We like people who are similar to our-

Although people have a general tendency to show ingroup

selves, and we perceive other ingroup members as simi-

favoritism, there are least some cases in which it does

lar to us. This also leads us to favor other members of our

not occur. One situation in which ingroup favoritism is

ingroup, particularly when we can clearly differentiate unlikely is when the members of the ingroup are clearly them from members of outgroups. We may also prefer

inferior to other groups on an important dimension. The

ingroups because they are more familiar to us (Zebrowitz

players on a baseball team that has not won a single game

et al., 2007).

all season are unlikely to be able to feel very good about

But the most important determinant of ingroup favor-

themselves as a team and are pretty much forced to con-

itism is simple self-enhancement. We want to feel good

cede that the outgroups are better, at least as far as playing

about ourselves, and seeing our ingroups positively helps

baseball is concerned. Members of low-status groups show

us do so (Brewer, 1979). Being a member of a group that

less ingroup favoritism than do members of high-sta-

has positive characteristics provides us with the feelings of

tus groups and may even display outgroup favoritism, in

social identity—the positive self-esteem that we get from

which they admit that the other groups are better than

our group memberships. When we can identify ourselves

they are (Clark & Clark, 1947).

as a member of a meaningful social group (even if it is a

Another case in which people judge other members

relatively trivial one), we can feel better about ourselves.

of the ingroup very negatively occurs when a member of

We are particularly likely to show ingroup favoritism

one’s own group behaves in a way that threatens the posi-

when we are threatened or otherwise worried about our

tive image of the ingroup. A student who behaves in a way

self-concept (Maner et al., 2005; Solomon et al., 2000).

unbecoming to university students, or a teammate who

And people express higher self-esteem after they have

does not seem to value the importance of the team, is dis-

been given the opportunity to derogate outgroups, sug-

paraged by the other group members, often more than the

gesting that ingroup favoritism does make us feel good

same behavior from an outgroup member would be. The

(Lemyre & Smith, 1985; Rubin & Hewstone, 1998).

strong devaluation of ingroup members who threaten the

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 41

positive image and identity of the ingroup is known as the

Another personality dimension that relates to the

black sheep effect (Pinto et al., 2010).

desires to protect and enhance the self and the ingroup

and thus also relates to greater ingroup favoritism, and

Personality and Cultural Determinants

in some cases prejudice toward outgroups, is the person-

of Ingroup Favoritism

ality dimension of authoritarianism (Adorno et al., 1950;

To this point, we have considered ingroup favoritism as a

Altemeyer, 1988). Authoritarianism is a personality

natural part of everyday life. Because the tendency to favor

dimension that characterizes people who prefer things

the ingroup is a normal byproduct of self-concern, most

to be simple rather than complex and who tend to hold

people do, by and large, prefer their ingroups over out-

traditional and conventional values. Authoritarians are

groups. And yet not everyone is equal y ingroup-favoring

ingroup-favoring in part because they have a need to

in all situations. There are a number of individual differ-

self-enhance and in part because they prefer simplicity

ence measures that predict prejudice, and these differences

and thus find it easy to think simply: “We are all good

are particularly likely to show up under circumstances in

and they are all less good.” Political conservatives tend to

which the desire to protect the self becomes important

show more ingroup favoritism than do political liberals,

(Guimond et al., 2003).

perhaps because the former are more concerned with pro-

Some people are more likely than others to show tecting the ingroup from threats posed by others (Jost et

ingroup favoritism because they are particularly likely to

al., 2003; Stangor & Leary, 2006).

rely on their group memberships to create a positive social

People with strong goals toward other-concern dis-

identity. These differences in group identification can be

play less ingroup favoritism and less prejudice. People

measured through self-report measures such as the Col-

who view it as particularly important to connect with and

lective Self-Esteem Scale (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992). The

respect other people—those who are more focused on tol-

scale assesses the extent to which the individual values his

erance and fairness toward others—are less ingroup-favor-

or her memberships in groups in public and private ways,

ing and more positive toward the members of groups other

as well as the extent to which he or she gains social iden-

than their own. The desire to be fair and to accept others

tity from those groups. People who score higher on the

can be assessed by individual difference measures such as

scale show more ingroup favoritism in comparison with

desire to control one’s prejudice (Plant & Devine, 1998)

those who score lower on it (Stangor & Thompson, 2002).

and humanism (Katz & Hass, 1988).

The scale, from Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) is shown in

Social dominance orientation (SDO) is a personality

Table 2.2.

variable that refers to the tendency to see and to accept

TABLE 2.2 The Collective Self-Esteem Scale

I am a worthy member of the social groups I belong to.

I feel I don’t have much to offer to the social groups I belong to [R].

Membership

I am a cooperative participant in the social groups I belong to.

I often feel I’m an unclean member of my social group [R].

I often regret that I belong to some of the social groups I do [R].

In general, I’m glad to be a member of the social groups I belong to.

Private

Overal , I often feel that the social groups of which I am a member are not worthwhile [R].

I feel good about the social groups I belong to.

Overal , my social groups are considered good by others.

Most people consider my social groups, on the average, to be more ineffective than other social groups [R].

Public

In general, others respect the social groups that I am a member of.

In general, others think that the social groups I am a member of are unworthy [R].

Overal , my group memberships have very little to do with how I feel about myself [R].

The social groups I belong to are an important reflection of who I am.

Identity

The social groups I belong to are unimportant in my sense of what kind of a person I am [R].

In general, belonging to social groups is an important part of my self-image.

[R] = Item is reversed before scoring.

From Luhtanen and Crocker (1992).

42 • CHAPTER 2

inequality among different groups (Pratto et al., 1995).

and it has been argued that this in part due to the negative

People who score high on measures of SDO believe that

outcomes of prejudice, including negative attitudes and

there are and should be status differences among social

resulting social isolation (Halpert, 2002). And in some

groups, and they do not see these as wrong. High SDO

rare cases, discrimination even takes the form of hate

individuals agree with statements such as “Some groups

crimes such as gay bashing.

of people are simply inferior to other groups,” “In getting

More commonly, members of minority groups also

what you want, it is sometimes necessary to use force

face a variety of small hassles, such as bad service in

against other groups,” and “It’s OK if some groups have

restaurants, being stared at, and being the target of jokes

more of a chance in life than others.” Those who are low

(Swim et al., 2003). But even these everyday “minor”

on SDO, on the other hand, believe that all groups are rela-

forms of discrimination can be problematic because they

tively equal in status and tend to disagree with these state-

may produce anger and anxiety among stigmatized group

ments. People who score higher on SDO also show greater

members and may lead to stress and other psychological

ingroup favoritism.

problems (Klonoff et al., 2000; Klonoff et al., 1999). Stig-Stereotyping and prejudice also varies across cultures.

matized individuals who report experiencing more expo-

Spencer-Rodgers et al. (2007) tested the hypothesis that

sure to discrimination or other forms of unfair treatment

Chinese participants, because of their collectivistic ori-

also report more depression, anger, and anxiety and lower

entation, would find social groups more important than

levels of life satisfaction and happiness (Swim et al., 2001).

would Americans (who are more individualistic) and that

Of course, most of us do try to keep our stereotypes

as a result, they would be more likely to infer personality

and our prejudices out of mind, and we work hard to avoid

traits on the basis of group membership—that is, to stereo-

discriminating (Richeson & Shelton, 2007). But even when

type. Supporting the hypothesis, they found that Chinese

we work to keep our negative beliefs under control, this

participants made stronger stereotypical trait inferences

does not mean that they easily disappear. Neil Macrae

than Americans did on the basis of a target’s membership

and his colleagues (Macrae et al., 1994) asked British col-

in a fictitious group.

lege students to write a paragraph describing a skinhead

(a member of a group that is negatively stereotyped in

REDUCING DISCRIMINATION

England). One half of the participants were asked to be

We have seen that social categorization is a basic part of

sure to not use their stereotypes when they were judging

human nature and one that helps us to simplify our social

him, whereas the other half simply wrote whatever came

worlds, to draw quick (if potential y inaccurate) conclu-

to mind. Although the participants who were asked to

sions about others, and to feel good about ourselves. In

suppress their thoughts were able to do it, this suppres-

many cases, our preferences for ingroups may be relatively

sion didn’t last very long. After they had suppressed their

harmless—we may prefer to socialize with people who

stereotypes, these beliefs quickly popped back into mind,

share our race or ethnicity for instance, but without par-

making it even more likely that they would be used imme-

ticularly disliking the others. But categorizing others may

diately later.

also lead to prejudice and discrimination, and it may even

But stereotypes are not always and inevitably activated

do so without our awareness. Because prejudice and dis-

when we encounter people from other groups. We can and

crimination are so harmful to so many people, we must all

we do get past them, although doing so may take some

work to get beyond them.

effort on our part (Blair, 2002). There are a number of

Discrimination influences the daily life of its victims

techniques that we can use to try to improve our attitudes

in areas such as employment, income, financial opportu-

toward outgroups, and at least some of them have been

nities, housing and educational opportunities, and medi-

found to be effective. Kawakami et al. (2000) found that

cal care. Even with the same level of education and years

students who practiced responding in nonstereotypical

of experience, ethnic minorities in Canada are 40% less

ways to members of other groups became better able to

likely to receive cal backs for an interview following a

avoid activating their negative stereotypes on future occa-

job application (Oreopoulos, 2011). Blacks have higher

sions. And a number of studies have found that we become

mortality rates than Whites for eight of the 10 leading

less prejudiced when we are exposed to and think about

causes of death in the United States (Williams, 1999) and

group members who have particularly positive or nonste-

have less access to and receive poorer-quality health care,

reotypical characteristics. For instance, Blair et al. (2001)

even controlling for other variables such as level of health

asked their participants to imagine a woman who was

insurance. Suicide rates among lesbians and gays are sub-

“strong” and found that doing so decreased stereotyping

stantial y higher than rates for the general population,

of women. Similarly, Bodenhausen et al. (1995) found that

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 43

when White American students thought about positive

and the dependent measure was how far away the students

Black role models—such as Oprah Winfrey and Michael

sat from her.

Jordan—they became less prejudiced toward Blacks.

As you can see in Figure 2.8, high prejudice students

who learned that other students were also prejudiced sat

Reducing Discrimination by

farther away from the Black confederate in comparison

Changing Social Norms

with high prejudice individuals who were led to believe

One variable that makes us less prejudiced is education.

that their beliefs were not shared. On the other hand, stu-

People who are more educated express fewer stereotypes

dents who were initial y low in prejudice and who believed

and prejudice in general. This is true for students who

these views were shared sat closer to the Black confed-

enroll in courses that are related to stereotypes and prej-

erate in comparison with low prejudice individuals who

udice, such as a course on gender and ethnic diversity

were led to believe that their beliefs were not shared. These

(Rudman et al., 2001), and is also true more general y—

results demonstrate that our perceptions of relevant social

education reduces prejudice, regardless of what particular

norms can strengthen or weaken our tendencies to engage

courses you take (Sidanius et al., 2006).

in discriminatory behaviors.

The effects of education on reducing prejudice are

White college students who were low in prejudice

probably due in large part to the new social norms that

toward Blacks sat closer to the Black confederate when

people are introduced to in school. Social norms define

they had been told that their beliefs were shared with

what is appropriate and inappropriate, and we can effec-

other group members at their university. On the other

tively change stereotypes and prejudice by changing the

hand, White college students who were high in prejudice

relevant norms about them. Jetten et al. (1997) manipu-

sat farther away from the Black confederate when they had

lated whether students thought that the other members

been told that their beliefs were shared with other group

of their university favored equal treatment of others or

members at their university. Data are from Sechrist and

believed that others thought it was appropriate to favor

Stangor (2001).

the ingroup. They found that perceptions of what the other

The influence of social norms is powerful, and

group members believed had an important influence on

long-lasting changes in beliefs about outgroups will occur

the beliefs of the individuals themselves. The students were

only if they are supported by changes in social norms. Prej-

more likely to show ingroup favoritism when they believed

udice and discrimination thrive in environments in which

that the norm of their ingroup was to do so, and this ten-

they are perceived to be the norm, but they die when the

dency was increased for students who had high social existing social norms do not allow it. And because social identification with the ingroup.

norms are so important, the behavior of individuals can

Sechrist and Stangor (2001) selected White college help create or reduce prejudice and discrimination. Dis-students who were either high or low in prejudice toward

crimination, prejudice, and even hate crimes such as gay

Blacks and then provided them with information indi-

bashing will be more likely to continue if people do not

cating that their prejudiced or unprejudiced beliefs were

respond to or confront them when they occur.

either shared or not shared by the other students at their

What this means is that if you believe that prejudice is

university. Then the students were asked to take a seat in a

wrong, you must confront it when you see it happening.

hal way to wait for the next part of the experiment. A Black

Czopp et al. (2006) had White participants participate in

confederate was sitting in one seat at the end of the row,

a task in which it was easy to unintentional y stereotype

FIGURE 2.8 The role of norms in intergroup behavior. (Data are from Sechrist and Stangor [2001]. ) 44 • CHAPTER 2

a Black person, and as a result, many of the participants

outcomes on intergroup attitudes, not only because it

did so. Then, confederates of the experimenter confronted

would provide Black children with access to better schools,

the students about their stereotypes, saying things such as

but also because the resulting intergroup contact would

“Maybe it would be good to think about Blacks in other

reduce prejudice between Black and White children. This

ways that are a little more fair?” or “It just seems that you

strategy seemed particularly appropriate at the time it was

sound like some kind of racist to me. You know what I

implemented because most schools in the United States

mean?” Although the participants who had been con-

then were highly segregated by race.

fronted experienced negative feelings about the confron-

The strategy of busing was initiated after the Supreme

tation and also expressed negative opinions about the Court decision, and it had a profound effect on schools in person who confronted them, the confrontation did work.

the United States. For one, the policy was very effective

The students who had been confronted expressed less prej-

in changing school makeup—the number of segregated

udice and fewer stereotypes on subsequent tasks than did

schools decreased dramatical y during the 1960s after the

the students who had not been confronted.

policy was begun. Busing also improved the educational

As this study concluded, taking steps to reduce prej-

and occupational achievement of Blacks and increased the

udice is everyone’s duty—having a little courage can go a

desire of Blacks to interact with Whites; for instance, by

long way in this regard. Confronting prejudice can lead

forming cross-race friendships (Stephan, 1999). Overal ,

other people to think that we are complaining and there-

then, the case of desegregating schools in the United States

fore to dislike us (Kaiser & Miller, 2001; Shelton & Stew-

supports the expectation that intergroup contact, at least in

art, 2004), but confronting prejudice is not all negative for

the long run, can be successful in changing attitudes. Nev-

the person who confronts. Although it is embarrassing to

ertheless, as a result of several subsequent U.S. Supreme

do so, particularly if we are not completely sure that the

Court decisions, the policy of desegregating schools via

behavior was in fact prejudice, when we fail to confront,

busing was not continued past the 1990s.

we may frequently later feel guilty that we did not (Shelton

Although student busing to achieve desegregated

et al., 2006).

schools represents one prominent example of intergroup

contact, such contact occurs in many other areas as wel .

Reducing Prejudice through Intergroup Contact

Taken together, there is substantial support for the effec-

One of the reasons that people may hold stereotypes and

tiveness of intergroup contact in improving group atti-

prejudices is that they view the members of outgroups as

tudes in a wide variety of situations, including schools,

different from them. We may become concerned that our

work organizations, military forces, and public housing.

interactions with people from different racial groups will

Pettigrew and Tropp (2006) conducted a meta-analysis in

be unpleasant, and these anxieties may lead us to avoid

which they reviewed over 500 studies that had investigated

interacting with people from those groups (Mallett et al.,

the effects of intergroup contact on group attitudes. They

2008). What this suggests is that a good way to reduce

found that attitudes toward groups that were in contact

prejudice is to help people create closer connections with

became more positive over time. Furthermore, positive

members of different groups. People will be more favor-

effects of contact were found on both stereotypes and prej-

able toward others when they learn to see those other peo-

udice and for many different types of contacted groups.

ple as more similar to them, as closer to the self, and to be

The positive effects of intergroup contact may be due

more concerned about them.

in part to increases in other-concern. Galinsky and Mos-

The idea that intergroup contact will reduce preju-

kowitz (2000) found that leading students to take the

dice, known as the contact hypothesis, is simple: If chil-

perspective of another group member—which increased

dren from different ethnic groups play together in school,

empathy and closeness to the person—also reduced prej-

their attitudes toward each other should improve. And if

udice. And the behavior of students on college campuses

we encourage college students to travel abroad, they will

demonstrates the importance of connecting with others

meet people from other cultures and become more posi-

and the dangers of not doing so. Sidanius et al. (2004)

tive toward them.

found that students who joined exclusive campus groups,

One important example of the use of intergroup con-

including fraternities, sororities, and minority ethnic orga-

tact to influence prejudice came about as a result of the

nizations (such as the African Student Union), were more

important U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Edu-

prejudiced to begin with and became even less connected

cation in 1954. In this case, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed,

and more intolerant of members of other social groups

based in large part on the testimony of psychologists, that

over the time that they remained in the organizations. It

busing Black children to schools attended primarily by

appears that memberships in these groups focused the

White children, and vice versa, would produce positive

students on themselves and other people who were very

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 45

similar to them, leading them to become less tolerant of

presents this piece of the puzzle to the other members of

others who are different.

his or her group. The students in each group are therefore

Although intergroup contact does work, it is not a

interdependent in learning all the material. A wide variety

panacea because the conditions necessary for it to be suc-

of techniques, based on principles of the jigsaw classroom,

cessful are frequently not met. Contact can be expected to

are in use in many schools around the world, and research

work only in situations that create the appropriate oppor-

studying these approaches has found that cooperative,

tunities for change. For one, contact will only be effective

interdependent experiences among students from differ-

if it provides information demonstrating that the existing

ent social groups are effective in reducing negative stereo-

stereotypes held by the individuals are incorrect. When we

typing and prejudice (Stephan, 1999).

learn more about groups that we didn’t know much about

In sum, we can say that contact will be most effec-

before, we learn more of the truth about them, leading us

tive when it is easier to get to know, and become more

to be less biased in our beliefs. But if our interactions with

respectful of, the members of the other group and when

the group members do not allow us to learn new beliefs,

the social norms of the situation promote equal, fair treat-

then contact cannot work.

ment of all groups. If the groups are treated unequal y, for

When we first meet someone from another category,

instance, by a teacher or leader who is prejudiced and who

we are likely to rely almost exclusively on our stereotypes

therefore treats the different groups differently, or if the

(Brodt & Ross, 1998). However, when we get to know the

groups are in competition rather than cooperation, there

individual well (e.g., as a student in a classroom learns to

will be no benefit. In cases when these conditions are not

know the other students over a school year), we may get to

met, contact may not be effective and may in fact increase

the point where we ignore that individual’s group member-

prejudice, particularly when it confirms stereotypical

ship almost completely, responding to him or her entirely

expectations (Stangor et al., 1996). Final y, it is important

at the individual level (Madon et al., 1998). Thus contact is

that enough time be allowed for the changes to take effect.

effective in part because it leads us to get past our percep-

In the case of busing in the United States, for instance, the

tions of others as group members and to individuate them.

positive effects of contact seemed to have been occurring,

When we get past group memberships and focus more

but they were not happening particularly fast.

on the individuals in the groups, we begin to see that there

Let’s consider (in the following Research Focus) still

is a great deal of variability among the group members and

another way that intergroup contact can reduce preju-

that our global and undifferentiating group stereotypes

dice—the idea that prejudice can be reduced for people

are actual y not that informative (Rothbart & John, 1985).

who have friends who are friends with members of the

Successful intergroup contact tends to reduce the percep-

outgroup, known as the extended-contact hypothesis.

tion of outgroup homogeneity. Contact also helps us feel

more positively about the members of the other group, and

this positive affect makes us like them more.

■ Research Focus •

The Extended-Contact Hypothesis

Intergroup contact is also more successful when the

people involved in the contact are motivated to learn Although the contact hypothesis proposes that direct about the others. One factor that increases this motivation

contact between people from different social groups will

is interdependence—a state in which the group members

produce more positive attitudes between them, recent

depend on each other for successful performance of the

evidence suggests that prejudice can also be reduced for

group goals (Neuberg & Fiske, 1987). The importance of

people who have friends who are friends with members of

interdependence can be seen in the success of cooperative

the outgroup, even if the individual does not have direct

learning techniques, such as the jigsaw classroom (Aron-

contact with the outgroup members himself or herself. This

son et al., 1978; Aronson, 2004).

hypothesis is known as the extended-contact hypothesis.

The jigsaw classroom is an approach to learning in

Supporting this prediction, Wright et al. (1997) found in two

which students from different racial or ethnic groups correlational studies that college students who reported that work together, in an interdependent way, to master mate-their own friends had friends who were from another ethnic

rial. The class is divided into small learning groups, where

group reported more positive attitudes toward that outgroup

each group is diverse in ethnic and gender composition.

than did students who did not have any friends who had

The assigned material to be learned is divided into as outgroup friends, even controlling for the participants’ own many parts as there are students in the group, and mem-outgroup friendships.

bers of different groups who are assigned the same task

Wright and his colleagues (1997) also tested the extend-

meet together to help develop a strong report. Each stu-

ed-contact hypothesis experimentally. Participants were

dent then learns his or her own part of the material and

four groups of 14 students, and each group spent a whole

46 • CHAPTER 2

FIGURE 2.9 The extended-contact hypothesis. This figure shows how members of the two groups,

which were in competition with each other, rated each other before and after the experimental

manipulation of friendship. you can see that group relationships, which were becoming more

negative, changed to being more positive after the intervention. (Data are from Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-

Volpe, and Ropp [1997].)

day in the lab. On arrival, seven participants were assigned

that they are closer to each other rather than further away

to the “green” group, and seven to the “blue” group, sup-

from each other. In short, groups are going to have bet-

posedly on the basis of similar interests. To create strong

ter attitudes toward each other when they see themselves

ingroup identity and to produce competition between the

more similarly to each other—when they feel more like

groups, the group members wore blue and green T-shirts

one large group than a set of smaller groups.

and engaged in a series of competitive tasks. Participants

This fact was demonstrated in a very convincing way

then expressed their initial thoughts and feelings about the

in what is now a classic social psychological study. In the

outgroup and its members.

“Robbers’ Cave Experiment, ” Sherif et al. (1961) studied

Then, supposedly as part of an entirely different study,

the group behavior of 11-year-old boys at a summer camp.

one participant was randomly selected from each group,

Although the boys did not know it, the researchers care-

and the two were taken to a separate room in which they

ful y observed the behaviors of the children during the

engaged in a relationship-building task that has been shown

camp session, with the goal of learning about how group

to quickly create feelings of friendship between two strang-

conflict developed and how it might be resolved among

ers. Then the two members from each team were then

the children.

reunited with their original groups, where they were encour-

During the first week of the camp, the boys were

aged to describe their experience with the other group

divided into two groups that camped at two different

member in the friendship-building task.

campsites. During this time, friendly relationships devel-

In the final phase, the groups then engaged in another

oped among the boys within each of the two groups. Each

competitive task, and participants rated their thoughts and

group developed its own social norms and group structure

feelings about the outgroup and its members again. As you

and became quite cohesive, with a strong positive social

can see in Figure 2.9, and supporting the extended-contact

identity. The two groups chose names for themselves (the

hypothesis, results showed that the participants (including

Rattlers and the Eagles), and each made their own group

those who did not participate in the closeness task them-

flag and participated in separate camp activities.

selves) were more positive toward the outgroup after than

At the end of this one-week baseline period, it was

before the two team members had met. This study, as well

arranged that the two groups of boys would become aware

as many other studies, supports the importance of cross-

of each other’s presence. Furthermore, the researchers

group friendships in promoting favorable outgroup attitudes

worked to create conditions that led to increases in each

(Page-Gould et al., 2008; Shook & Fazio, 2008).  ■

group’s social identity and at the same time created negative

perceptions of the other group. The researchers arranged

baseball games, a tug-of-war, and a treasure hunt and offered

Moving Others Closer to Us:

prizes for the group that won the competitions. Almost

The Benefits of Recategorization

immediately, this competition created ingroup favoritism

The research on intergroup contact suggests that although

and prejudice, and discrimination quickly followed. By

contact may improve prejudice, it may make it worse if it

the end of the second week, the Eagles had sneaked up to

is not implemented correctly. Improvement is likely only

the Rattlers’ cabin and stolen their flag. When the Rattlers

when the contact moves the members of the groups to feel

discovered the theft, they in turn raided the Eagles’ cabin,

SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 47

stealing things. There were food fights in the dining room,

A substantial amount of research has supported the

which was now shared by the groups, and the researchers

predictions of the common ingroup identity model. For

documented a substantial increase in name-calling and instance, Samuel Gaertner and his colleagues (Gaertner et

stereotypes of the outgroup. Some fistfights even erupted

al., 1989) tested the hypothesis that interdependent coop-

between members of the different groups.

eration in groups reduces negative beliefs about outgroup

The researchers then intervened by trying to move the

members because it leads people to see the others as part

groups closer to each other. They began this third stage of

of the ingroup (by creating a common identity). In this

the research by setting up a series of situations in which

research, college students were brought to a laboratory

the boys had to work together to solve a problem. These

where they were each assigned to one of two teams of three

situations were designed to create interdependence by members each, and each team was given a chance to create presenting the boys with superordinate goals—goals that

its own unique group identity by working together. Then,

were both very important to them and yet that required the

the two teams were brought into a single room to work on

cooperative efforts and resources of both the Eagles and

a problem. In one condition, the two teams were told to

the Rattlers to attain. These goals involved such things as

work together as a larger, six-member team to solve the

the need to pool money across both groups in order to rent

problem, whereas in the other condition, the two teams

a movie that all the campers wanted to view, or the need to

worked on the problem separately.

pull together on ropes to get a food truck that had become

Consistent with the expected positive results of creating

stuck back onto the road. As the children worked together

a common group identity, the interdependence created in

to meet these goals, the negative perceptions of the group

the condition where the teams worked together increased

members gradual y improved; there was a reduction of

the tendency of the team members to see themselves as

hostility between the groups and an emergence of more

members of a single larger team, and this in turn reduced

positive intergroup attitudes.

the tendency for each group to show ingroup favoritism.

This strategy was effective because it led the campers

But the benefits of recategorization are not confined

to perceive both the ingroup and the outgroup as one large

to laboratory settings—they also appear in our everyday

group (“we”) rather than as two separate groups (“us” and

interactions with other people. Jason Neir and his col-

“them”). As differentiation between the ingroup and the

leagues had Black and White interviewers approach White

outgroup decreases, so should ingroup favoritism, prej-

students who were attending a football game (Neir et al.,

udice, and conflict. The differences between the original

2001). The dependent measure was whether or not they

groups are still present, but they are potential y counter-

agreed to help the interviewer by completing a question-

acted by perceived similarities in the second superordinate

naire. However, the interviewers also wore hats represent-

group. The attempt to reduce prejudice by creating a super-

ing either one of the two universities who were playing in

ordinate categorization is known as the goal of creating a

the game. As you can see in Figure 2.10, the data were ana-

common ingroup identity (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2008),

lyzed both by whether the interviewer and the student were

and we can diagram the relationship as follows:

of the same race (either both White or one White and one

Black) and also by whether they wore hats from the same

Interdependence and cooperation →

or different universities. As expected on the basis of recate-

common ingroup identity → favorable intergroup attitudes

gorization and the common ingroup identity approach, the

FIGURE 2.10 Recategorization and helping behavior. (Data are from Neir et al. [2001].) 48 • CHAPTER 2

White students were significantly more likely to help the

you are now able to see the processes more ful y. We hope

Black interviewers when they wore a hat of the same uni-

you can see that categorization has some benefits—it

versity as that worn by the interviewee. The hat evidently

allows us to think about ourselves as members of valued

led the White students to recategorize the interviewer as

groups, for instance—but it also has some potential nega-

part of the university ingroup, leading to more helping.

tive outcomes, including overgeneralized stereotyping and

However, whether the individuals shared university affili-

ingroup favoritism. We hope that you are now more aware

ation did not influence helping for the White participants,

how easily we categorize others, how quickly we learn ste-

presumably because they already saw the interviewer as a

reotypes, and how fast ingroup favoritism develops and

member of the ingroup (the interviewer was also White).

that you can better see the impact these processes have on

In this field study, White and Black interviewers asked

our judgments of others.

White students attending a football game to help them by

You will now be able to see that prejudice, discrimi-

completing a questionnaire. The data were analyzed both

nation, and stereotypes reflect, respectively, the ABCs of

by whether the request was to a White (ingroup) or Black

affect, behavior, and cognition. And because you are think-

(outgroup) student and also by whether the individual

ing like a social psychologist, you will realize that prejudice

whose help was sought wore the same hat that they did

is not unusual—that it results in large part from self-con-

or a different hat. Results supported the common ingroup

cern. We like our own groups because we feel good about

identity model. Helping was much greater for outgroup

them and see them as similar. But we can improve our atti-

members when hats were the same. Data are from Neir et

tudes toward outgroups by focusing on other-concern—by

al. (2001).

being more inclusive and including more different people

Again, the implications of these results are clear and

into our ingroups. Perhaps the best thing we can do is to

powerful. If we want to improve attitudes among people,

recategorize such that we see all people as human beings;

we must get them to see each other as more similar and

we are all in the same ingroup, and we should treat every-

less different. And even relatively simple ways of doing so,

one the way we would like them to treat us—with respect.

such as wearing a hat that suggests an ingroup identifica-

We hope your new knowledge can help you in your

tion, can be successful.

own relationships with others. Is it possible that you have

ingroup favoritism that you were not aware of? Or perhaps

THINKING LIKE A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIST

you hold stereotypes about other groups that you would

ABOUT STEREOTYPING, PREJUDICE,

like to avoid holding? You should now be able to see how

AND DISCRIMINATION

better to avoid being prejudiced yourself. And you are now

This chapter has focused on the ways in which people from

perhaps more aware of the importance of social norms—

different social groups feel about, think about, and behave

we must work to prevent those norms from allowing prej-

toward each other. In most cases, we have positive thoughts

udice. To stop prejudice, you must be willing to interact

and feelings about others, and our interactions with them

with people from other groups, and you must confront

are friendly and positive. And yet in other cases, there is a

prejudice when you see it occurring. These behaviors may

potential for negative interactions, and in rare cases, even

be difficult, but in the end they will help you be a better

hostility and violence.

citizen.

Look again at the pictures in Figure 2.2 and careful y

consider your thoughts and feelings about each person.

CHAPTER SUMMARY

Does the image bring some stereotypes to mind? What

The social groups that are part of a given nation or soci-

about prejudices? How do you think your impressions

ety become essential parts of the culture itself. We easily

of the individuals might influence your behavior toward

develop beliefs about the characteristics of the groups and

them? Do you hold these beliefs yourself, or do you know

the members of those groups (stereotypes) as well as prej-

people who do? Can you see how quickly you or other peo-

udice (an unjustifiable negative attitude toward an out-

ple might make judgments about these individuals, based

group). Our stereotypes and our prejudices are problematic

on the cultural y relevant stereotypes, and how those judg-

because they may create discrimination—unjustified nega-

ments might lead to discrimination? What might be the

tive behaviors toward members of outgroups based on their

negative outcomes of the stereotypes on the person?

group membership. Discrimination is a societal and health

We hope that you can now see, perhaps more clearly

problem because it is so pervasive, takes so many forms,

than you did before, that social categorization is all around

and has such negative effects on so many people.

us. We think about other people in terms of their group

Stereotyping and prejudice begin from social

memberships, and this is entirely natural. But perhaps categorization—the natural cognitive process by which we SoCIAl CATEGoRIzATIon, STEREoTyPInG, And dISCRImInATIon • 49

place individuals into social groups. Social categorization

group memberships to create social identity. Personality

is in many cases quite helpful and useful. In some cases,

dimensions related to prejudice include authoritarianism

we might categorize others because doing so provides us

and social dominance orientation. And there is also at least

with information about the characteristics of people who

some evidence that stereotyping varies across cultures.

belong to certain social groups or categories. And we may

Because social categorization is a basic human process

categorize others because we may not have time to do any-

that provides some benefits for us, stereotypes and preju-

thing more thorough.

dices are easy to develop but difficult to change. But stereo-

A problem is that social categorization distorts our

types and prejudice are not inevitable.

perceptions of others such that we tend to exaggerate the

The positive effects of education on reducing prejudice

differences between social groups while at the same time

are probably due in large part to the new social norms that

perceiving members of groups (and particularly out-

people experience in school, which people who do not go

groups) as more similar to each other than they actual y

to school do not learn. True changes in beliefs will only

are. One particularly strong outcome of social categori-

occur if they are supported by changes in social norms.

zation is outgroup homogeneity—the tendency to view

And because social norms are so important, the behav-

members of outgroups as more similar to each other than

ior of individuals can help create or reduce it. Prejudice

we see members of ingroups.

will be more likely to continue if people allow it to by not

Once we begin to categorize other people, and we start

responding to it or confronting it when it occurs.

to see the members of those groups as more similar to each

Intergroup attitudes will be improved when we can

other than they actual y are, it then becomes very easy to

lead people to focus relatively more on their concerns for

apply our stereotypes to the members of the groups, with-

others and relatively less on their desires to feel good about

out having to consider whether the characteristic is actu-

themselves. Intergroup contact is effective in this regard,

al y true of the particular individual. If men think that

although only under conditions that allow us to individu-

women are all alike, then they may act toward all women

ate others. And individuation is more successful when the

in the same way, and doing so is unfair.

people involved in the contact are interdependent, such as

Our stereotypes and prejudices are learned through

in cooperative educational contexts like the jigsaw class-

both cognitive and affective processes. Once they become

room. Prejudice can also be reduced for people who have

established, stereotypes (like any other cognitive repre-

friends who are friends with members of the outgroup—

sentation) tend to persevere—they are difficult to change.

the extended-contact hypothesis.

In the end, stereotypes become self-fulfilling prophecies,

In the “Robbers’ Cave Experiment,” as well as in many

such that our expectations about the group members make

other studies, it has been found that superordinate goals

the stereotypes come true. And our stereotypes also influ-

that help us see others as part of the same category as we

ence our performance on important tasks through stereo-

are provide a common ingroup identity and are successful

type threat.

at improving intergroup attitudes.

Ingroup favoritism occurs on the basis of even arbi-

You can now see how important social categorization

trary and unimportant groupings and is found for many

is but also that it has many potential negative outcomes.

different types of social groups, in many different settings,

You are now more aware how easily we categorize others,

on many different dimensions, and in many different how quickly we learn stereotypes, and how fast ingroup cultures.

favoritism develops, and you can better see the impact that

The most important determinant of ingroup favoritism

these processes have on our judgments of others. You can

is simple self-enhancement. We want to feel good about

use that new knowledge to help you avoid being prejudiced

ourselves, and being a member of a group that has posi-

yourself and to help others from being prejudiced too.

tive characteristics provides social identity—the positive

Doing so will be difficult, but in the end it will be useful.

self-esteem that we get from our group memberships. In

But just because we have stereotypes or hold prejudices

cases when our groups do not provide positive social iden-

does not mean that we cannot change them or that we

tity, we must try to restore a positive self-worth. If we can-

must act on them. If sports referees learn about their prej-

not leave the group, we may try to perceive the group as

udices, they can work harder to overcome them, and they

positively as possible, perhaps by focusing on dimensions

may well be successful. And when you learn about your

on which the group does not compare so unfavorably.

own stereotypes and your own prejudices, and the effects

Although it is assumed that most people gain at least

of those beliefs on yourself and others, you may be able

some positive social identity through their group member-

to change your own behavior and respond more appropri-

ships, people differ in the extent to which they use their

ately to the stereotypes and prejudices expressed by others.

50 • CHAPTER 2

KEY TAKEAWAYS

• Beliefs about the characteristics of the groups and the members

• Ingroup favoritism develops early in children and influences our

of those groups are known as stereotypes.

behavior toward ingroup and outgroup members in a variety of

• Prejudice refers to an unjustifiable negative attitude toward an

ways.

outgroup.

• Personality dimensions that relate to ingroup favoritism include

• Stereotypes and prejudice may create discrimination.

authoritarianism and social dominance orientation—dimensions

• Stereotyping and prejudice begin from social categorization—

that relate to less ingroup favoritism include a desire to control

the natural cognitive process by which we place individuals into

one’s prejudice and humanism.

social groups.

• There are at least some cultural differences in the tendency to

• Social categorization influences our perceptions of groups—for

show ingroup favoritism and to stereotype others.

instance, the perception of outgroup homogeneity.

• Changing our stereotypes and prejudices is not easy, and

• Once our stereotypes and prejudices become established, they

attempting to suppress them may backfire. However, with

are difficult to change and may lead to self-fulfilling prophecies,

appropriate effort, we can reduce our tendency to rely on our

such that our expectations about the group members make the

stereotypes and prejudices.

stereotypes come true.

• One approach to changing stereotypes and prejudice is by

• Stereotypes may influence our performance on important tasks

changing social norms—for instance, through education and

through stereotype threat.

laws enforcing equality.

• Ingroup favoritism is a fundamental and evolutionarily func-

• Prejudice will change faster when it is confronted by people who

tional aspect of human perception, and it occurs even in groups

see it occurring. Confronting prejudice may be embarrassing,

that are not particularly meaningful.

but it also can make us feel that we have done the right thing.

• Ingroup favoritism is caused by a variety of variables, but par-

• Intergroup attitudes will be improved when we can lead people

ticularly important is self-concern: we experience positive social

to focus more on their connections with others. Intergroup

identity as a result of our membership in valued social groups.

contact, extended contact with others who share friends with

outgroup members, and a common ingroup identity are all

examples of this process.

EXERCISES

1. Look again at the pictures in Figure 2.2, and consider your

(e.g., showing the black sheep effect). What was the outcome

thoughts and feelings about each person. What are your

of the actions?

stereotypes and prejudices about them? Do you think your

6. Visit the website http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/

stereotypes are accurate?

shows/divided/etc/view.html and watch the program “A Class 2. Visit the website http://www.understandingprejudice.org/

Divided.” Do you think Jane Elliott’s method of teaching people

drawline/ and take one of the two interviews listed on the page.

about prejudice is ethical?

3. Think of a task that one of the social groups to which you

7. Have you ever confronted or failed to confront a person who

belong is considered to be particularly good or poor at. Do

you thought was expressing prejudice or discriminating? Why

you think the cultural stereotypes about your group have ever

did you confront (or not confront) that person, and how did

influenced your performance on a task?

doing so make you feel?

4. Visit the website https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/takeatest.

8. Imagine you are a teacher in a classroom and you see that

html and complete one of the tests posted there. Write a brief some children expressing prejudice or discrimination toward

reflection on your results.

other children on the basis of their race. What techniques would

5. Describe a time when the members of one of your important

you use to attempt to reduce these negative behaviors?

social groups behaved in a way that increased group identity

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CHAPTER 3

Contents

CHAPTER 3

Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals

Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals 56

SOURCE

VALUE ORIENTATIONS THEORY 56

Weil, N. (n.d.). Beliefs, values, and cultural universals. In Speaking of culture. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from

https://press.rebus.community/originsofthehumanfamily/chapter/chapter-6-a-closer-look-at-values/

What Is the Inherent Nature of Human Beings?

56

(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License)

What Is the Relationship between Human Beings and the Natural World?

56

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. List the five questions that every society must answer,

2. List and define Hofstede’s six dimensions of culture.

What Is the Best Way to Think about Time? 57

according to Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, and identify the three

3. Identify four problems that critics have identified with Hofst-

potential responses to each question.

ede’s theory.

What Is the Proper Mode of Human Activity? 57

KEY TERMS

What Is the Ideal Relationship between the Individual and Society? 57

Dimensions of Culture theory

Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations

masculinity vs. femininity

individualism vs. collectivism

theory

power distance

HOFSTEDE’S DIMENSIONS OF CULTURE THEORY

57

indulgence vs. self-restraint

long-term vs. short-term orientation

uncertainty avoidance

Power Distance

57

Individualism vs. Collectivism 58

VALUE ORIENTATIONS THEORY

of people in check. On the other hand, other societies are

The Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations theory

more likely to see human beings as born basical y good

Masculinity vs. Femininity

59

represents one of the earliest efforts to develop a cross-cul-

and possessing an inherent tendency towards goodness.

tural theory of values. According to Kluckhohn and Strodt-

Between these two poles are societies that see human

Uncertainty Avoidance 59

beck (1961), every culture faces the same basic survival

beings as possessing the potential to be either good or evil

needs and must answer the same universal questions. It is

depending upon the influences that surround them. Soci-

Long-Term vs. Short-Term Orientation 59

out of this need that cultural values arise. The basic ques-

eties also differ on whether human nature is immutable

tions faced by people everywhere fall into five categories

(unchangeable) or mutable (changeable).

Indulgence vs. Self-Restraint 59

and reflect concerns about (1) human nature, (2) the rela-

tionship between human beings and the natural world, What Is the Relationship between Human

CRITIQUE OF HOFSTEDE’S THEORY

61

(3) time, (4) human activity, and (5) social relations. Kluck-

Beings and the Natural World?

hohn and Strodtbeck hypothesized three possible responses

Some societies believe nature is a powerful force in the face

FINAL REFLECTION 61

or orientations to each of the concerns (Table 3.1).

of which human beings are essential y helpless. We could

describe this as “nature over humans.” Other societies are

REFERENCES 62

What Is the Inherent Nature of Human Beings?

more likely to believe that through intelligence and the

This is a question, say Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, that

application of knowledge, humans can control nature. In

all societies ask, and there are general y three different

other words, they embrace a “humans over nature” posi-

responses. The people in some societies are inclined to

tion. Between these two extremes are the societies who

believe that people are inherently evil and that the society

believe humans are wise to strive to live in “harmony with

must exercise strong measures to keep the evil impulses

nature.”

TABLE 3.1 Summary of Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Values orientation Theory

Basic Concerns

Orientations

Human nature

Evil

Mixed

Good

Relationship to natural world

Subordinate

Harmony

Dominant

Time

Past

Present

Future

Activity

Being

Becoming

Doing

Social relations

Hierarchical

Col ateral

Individual

56

BElIEFS, VAluES, And CulTuRAl unIVERSAlS • 57

What Is the Best Way to Think about Time?

a number of additional questions that one might expect

Some societies are rooted in the past, believing that peo-

cultural groups to grapple with:

ple should learn from history and strive to preserve the

traditions of the past. Other societies place more value

• Space: Should space belong to individuals, to

on the here and now, believing people should live ful y in

groups (especial y the family) or to everybody?

the present. Then there are societies that place the greatest

• Work: What should be the basic motivation for work?

value on the future, believing people should always delay

To make a contribution to society, to have a sense of

immediate satisfactions while they plan and work hard to

personal achievement, or to attain financial security?

make a better future.

• Gender: How should society distribute roles, power

and responsibility between the sexes? Should deci-

What Is the Proper Mode of Human Activity?

sion-making be done primarily by men, by women,

In some societies, “being” is the most valued orientation.

or by both?

Striving for great things is not necessary or important. In

• The Relationship between State and Individual:

other societies, “becoming” is what is most valued. Life is

Should rights and responsibilities be granted to the

regarded as a process of continual unfolding. Our purpose

nation or the individual?

on earth, the people might say, is to become ful y human.

Today, the Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck framework is

Final y, there are societies that are primarily oriented to

just one among many attempts to study universal human

“doing.” In such societies, people are likely to think of

values. Others include those of Hofstede (1997), Rokeach

the inactive life as a wasted life. People are more likely to

(1979), and Schwartz (2006).

express the view that we are here to work hard and that

human worth is measured by the sum of accomplishments.

HOFSTEDE’S DIMENSIONS

OF CULTURE THEORY

What Is the Ideal Relationship between

Geert Hofstede articulated a Dimensions of Culture the-

the Individual and Society?

ory in the 1980s, and has updated and revised it over the

Expressed another way, we can say the concern is about how

years. Hofstede’s theory currently gets a lot of attention in

a society is best organized. People in some societies think it

basic texts that include discussion of cultural values. Based

most natural that a society be organized hierarchical y. They

on survey data collected from IBM employees, Hofstede

hold to the view that some people are born to lead and oth-

has argued that his theory is particularly useful for high-

ers to follow. Leaders, they feel, should make all the import-

lighting similarities and differences between national cul-

ant decisions. Other societies are best described as valuing

tures. Hofstede initial y identified four dimensions.

col ateral relationships. In such societies, everyone has an

important role to play in society; therefore, important deci-

Power Distance

sions should be made by consensus. In still other societies,

Power distance is a measure of the degree to which

the individual is the primary unit of society. In societies

less powerful members of society expect and accept an

that place great value on individualism, people are likely to

unequal distribution of power. There is a certain degree of

believe that each person should have control over his/her

inequality in all societies, notes Hofstede; however, there

own destiny. When groups convene to make decisions, they

is relatively more equality in some societies than in others.

should follow the principle of “one person, one vote.”

Countries vary along a continuum from countries where

In an early application of the theory, Kluckhohn and

power distance is very low to countries where power dis-

Strodtbeck interviewed members of five cultural groups

tance is very high (Table 3.2). Measured on a scale of 1–100

in the American Southwest: (1) Navajo people traveling

for instance, Denmark scores very low and Mexico scores

around the Southwest seeking work, (2) White homestead-

quite high. The U.S. fal s somewhere in between.

ers in Texas, (3) Mexican-Americans, (4) Mormon vil ag-

Countries with lower PDI values tend to be more

ers, and (5) Zuni pueblo dwellers. Researchers have found

egalitarian. For instance, there is more equality between

the framework useful in making sense of diverse cultures

parents and children with parents more likely to accept

around the world.

it if children argue with them, or “talk back” to use a

As Hill (2002) has observed, Kluckhohn and Strodt-

common expression. In the work place, bosses are more

beck did not consider the theory to be complete. In fact,

likely to ask employees for input, and in fact, subordinates

they original y proposed a sixth value orientation—Space:

expect to be consulted. On the other hand, in countries

here, there, or far away, which they could not quite figure

with high power distance, parents expect children to obey

out how to investigate at the time. And Hill has proposed

without questioning. People of higher status may expect

58 • CHAPTER 3

TABLE 3.2 Power distance Index (PdI) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region

PDI

Country/Region

PDI

Country/Region

PDI

Country/Region

PDI

Malaysia

*104

France

68

South Korea

60

Australia

36

Guatemala

95

Hong Kong

68

Iran

58

Costa Rica

35

Panama

95

Colombia

67

Taiwan

58

Germany

35

Philippines

94

El Salvador

66

Spain

57

Great Britain

35

Mexico

81

Turkey

66

Pakistan

55

Switzerland

34

Venezuela

81

Belgium

65

Japan

54

Finland

33

Arab countries

80

East Africa

64

Italy

50

Norway

31

Ecuador

78

Peru

64

Argentina

49

Sweden

31

Indonesia

78

Thailand

64

South Africa

49

Ireland

28

India

77

Chile

63

Jamaica

45

New Zealand

22

West Africa

77

Portugal

63

USA

40

Denmark

18

Yugoslavia

76

Uruguay

61

Canada

39

Israel

13

Singapore

74

Greece

60

Netherlands

38

Austria

11

Brazil

69

*A country may score above 100 if it was added after a formula for the scale had already been fixed.

From Hofstede (1997), p. 26.

conspicuous displays of respect from subordinates. In the

higher on individualism measure are considered by defi-

workplace, superiors and subordinates are not likely to

nition less collectivistic than countries that score lower

see each other as equals, and it is assumed that bosses wil

(Table 3.3). In more highly individualistic societies, the

make decisions without consulting employees. In general,

interests of individuals receive more emphasis than those

status is more important in high power distance countries.

of the group (e.g., the family, the company, etc.). Individ-

ualistic societies put more value on self-striving and per-

Individualism vs. Collectivism

sonal accomplishment, while more collectivistic societies

Individualism vs. collectivism anchor opposite ends of a

put more emphasis on the importance of relationships

continuum that describes how people define themselves

and loyalty. People are defined more by what they do in

and their relationships with others. Countries that score

individualistic societies while in collectivistic societies,

TABLE 3.3 Individualism Index (IdV) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region

IDV

Country/Region

IDV

Country/Region

IDV

Country/Region

IDV

USA

91

Germany

67

Turkey

37

Thailand

20

Australia

90

South Africa

65

Uruguay

36

El Salvador

19

Great Britain

89

Finland

63

Greece

35

South Korea

18

Canada

80

Austria

55

Philippines

32

Taiwan

17

Netherlands

80

Israel

54

Mexico

30

Peru

16

New Zealand

79

Spain

51

Yugoslavia

27

Costa Rica

15

Italy

76

India

48

East Africa

27

Indonesia

14

Belgium

75

Japan

46

Portugal

27

Pakistan

14

Denmark

74

Argentina

46

Malaysia

26

Colombia

13

France

71

Iran

41

Hong Kong

25

Venezuela

12

Sweden

71

Jamaica

39

Chile

23

Panama

11

Ireland

70

Arab countries

38

West Africa

20

Ecuador

8

Norway

69

Brazil

38

Singapore

20

Guatemala

6

Switzerland

68

From Hofstede (1997), p. 53.

BElIEFS, VAluES, And CulTuRAl unIVERSAlS • 59

TABLE 3.4 masculinity Index (mAS) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region

MAS

Country/Region

MAS

Country/Region

MAS

Country/Region

MAS

Japan

95

USA

62

Singapore

48

South Korea

39

Austria

79

Australia

61

Israel

47

Uruguay

38

Venezuela

73

New Zealand

58

Indonesia

46

Guatemala

37

Italy

70

Hong Kong

57

West Africa

46

Thailand

34

Switzerland

70

Greece

57

Turkey

45

Portugal

31

Mexico

69

India

56

Taiwan

45

Chile

28

Ireland

69

Argentina

56

Panama

44

Finland

26

Jamaica

68

Belgium

54

France

43

Yugoslavia

21

Germany

66

Arab countries

53

Iran

43

Costa Rica

21

Great Britain

66

Canada

52

Peru

42

Denmark

16

Philippines

64

Malaysia

50

Spain

42

Netherlands

14

Colombia

64

Pakistan

50

East Africa

41

Norway

8

Ecuador

63

Brazil

49

El Salvador

40

Sweden

5

South Africa

63

From Hofstede (1997), p. 84.

they are defined more by their membership in particular

than more tightly structured contexts. In educational set-

groups. Communication is more direct in individualistic

tings, people from countries high in uncertainty avoidance

societies but more indirect in collectivistic societies. The

expect their teachers to be experts with all of the answers.

U.S. ranks very high in individualism, and South Korea

People from countries low in uncertainty avoidance don’t

ranks quite low. Japan fal s close to the middle.

mind it when a teacher says, “I don’t know.”

Masculinity vs. Femininity

Long-Term vs. Short-Term Orientation

Masculinity vs. femininity refers to a dimension that Long-term vs. short-term orientation is a fifth dimension describes the extent to which strong distinctions exist developed some years after the initial four. It emerged as between men’s and women’s roles in society. Societies that

a result of an effort by a research group (Chinese Culture

score higher on the masculinity scale tend to value asser-

Connection, 1987) to develop a universal values framework

tiveness, competition, and material success (Table 3.4).

with a non-Western bias. According to Hofstede (1997),

Countries that score lower in masculinity tend to embrace

the resulting Chinese Values Survey overlapped with three

values more widely thought of as feminine values, e.g.,

of Hofstede’s dimensions: power distance, individualism,

modesty, quality of life, interpersonal relationships, and

and masculinity although not with the uncertainty avoid-

greater concern for the disadvantaged of society. Societ-

ance dimension. In addition, the group found a unique

ies high in masculinity are also more likely to have strong

factor not reflected in Hofstede’s work, which they called

opinions about what constitutes men’s work vs. women’s

Confucian dynamism. Hofstede has since incorporated

work while societies low in masculinity permit much Confucian dynamism into his own theory as long-term greater overlapping in the social roles of men and women.

vs. short-term orientation. Long-term orientation is asso-

ciated with thrift, savings, persistence toward results, and

Uncertainty Avoidance

the willingness to subordinate oneself for a purpose (Table

Uncertainty avoidance measures the extent to which 3.6). Short-term orientation is associated with less saving, people value predictability and view uncertainty or the a preference for quick results, and unrestrained spending unknown as threatening. People in societies that measure

in response to social pressure (often referred to in English

high in uncertainty avoidance prefer to know exactly what

as “keeping up with the Joneses”).

to expect in any given situation (Table 3.5). They want firm

Indulgence vs. Self-Restraint

rules and strict codes of behavior. They dislike ambiguity.

People from countries that score low on uncertainty avoid-

Indulgence vs. self-restraint represents another new

ance general y have a higher tolerance for ambiguity. They

dimension. People living in countries that score high on

are happy to have few rules and prefer less structured rather

indulgence are more likely to value the free gratification of

60 • CHAPTER 3

TABLE 3.5 uncertainty Avoidance Index (uAI) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

human desires (Table 3.7). Enjoying life and having fun are

important to them. On the other hand, people in countries

Country/Region

UAI

Country/Region

UAI

Country/Region

UAI

Country/Region

UAI

high on restraint are more likely to believe that gratifica-

Greece

112

Costa Rica

86

Ecuador

67

Indonesia

48

tion should be curbed and that it should be regulated by

Portugal

104

Turkey

85

Germany

65

Canada

48

strict social norms (Hof stede et al., 2010).

Guatemala

101

South Korea

85

Thailand

64

USA

46

Uruguay

100

Mexico

82

Iran

59

Philippines

44

CRITIQUE OF HOFSTEDE’S THEORY

El Salvador

94

Israel

81

Finland

59

India

40

Among the various attempts by social scientists to study

Belgium

94

Colombia

80

Switzerland

58

Malaysia

36

human values from a cultural perspective, Hofstede’s is

Japan

92

Venezuela

76

West Africa

54

Great Britain

35

certainly popular. In fact, it would be a rare culture text

that did not pay special attention to Hofstede’s theory. The

Yugoslavia

88

Brazil

76

Netherlands

53

Ireland

35

current text is a case in point. However, Hofstede’s theory

Peru

87

Italy

75

East Africa

52

Hong Kong

29

has also been seriously questioned, and we will summarize

Panama

86

Pakistan

70

Australia

51

Sweden

29

some of the most common criticisms below.

France

86

Austria

70

Norway

50

Denmark

23

First, Hofstede’s methodology has been criticized. To

Chile

86

Taiwan

69

South Africa

49

Jamaica

13

begin with, the way in which the questionnaire was devel-

Spain

86

Arab countries

68

New Zealand

49

Singapore

8

oped has been described as haphazard (Orr & Hauser,

Argentina

86

2008). Indeed, the questionnaire was not even original y

developed to explore cultural values but instead to assess

From Hofstede (1997), p. 113.

job satisfaction within IBM. It is hard to believe that ques-

tions framed to explore workplace attitudes are relevant to

broader cultural attitudes outside of the work place.

Critics also point out that Hofstede’s conclusions

TABLE 3.6 long-Term orientation (lTo) for 23 Countries

are based on insufficient samples (McSweeney, 2002).

Country

LTO

Country

LTO

Country

LTO

Country

LTO

Although 117,000 questionnaires were administered, only

China

118

India

61

Poland

32

Zimbabwe

25

the results from 40 countries were used. Furthermore, only

Hong Kong

96

Thailand

56

Germany

31

Canada

23

6 countries had more than 1000 respondents, and in 15

Taiwan

87

Singapore

48

Australia

31

Philippines

19

countries, there were fewer than 200 respondents. Surely

it is not appropriate for 200 people to speak on behalf of a

Japan

80

Netherlands

44

New Zealand

30

Nigeria

16

country of millions.

South Korea

75

Bangladesh

40

USA

29

Pakistan

0

Critics have also been skeptical about the assumption

Brazil

65

Sweden

33

Great Britain

25

that IBM employees are representative of national cul-

From Hofstede (1997), p. 166.

tures as a whole. And even within IBM, the surveys were

administered only to certain categories of workers, i.e.,

“marketing-plus-sales,” leaving out many other employee

categories, including blue-col ar workers, full-time stu-

TABLE 3.7 Indulgence vs. Restraint. Ranking of 40 Countries from most to least Indulgent

dents, retired employees, etc. (McSweeney, 2002). Hofst-

ede has suggested that restricting the sample in this way

High-Indulgence Countries

High-Restraint Countries

1 Venezuela

11 Australia

74 Morocco

83 Iraq

2 Mexico

12 Cyprus

75 China

85 Estonia

3 Puerto Rico

12 Denmark

76 Azerbaijan

85 Bulgaria

4 El Salvador

14 Great Britain

77 Russia

85 Lithuania

5 Nigeria

15 Canada

77 Montenegro

88 Belarus

6 Colombia

15 Netherlands

77 Romania

88 Albania

7 Trinidad

15 USA

77 Bangladesh

90 Ukraine

8 Sweden

18 Iceland

81 Moldova

91 Latvia

9 New Zealand

19 Switzerland

82 Burkina Faso

92 Egypt

10 Ghana

19 Malta

83 Hong Kong

93 Pakistan

From Jandt (2016), p. 175.

BElIEFS, VAluES, And CulTuRAl unIVERSAlS • 61

TABLE 3.5 uncertainty Avoidance Index (uAI) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

human desires (Table 3.7). Enjoying life and having fun are

effectively controls for the effects of occupational category

important to them. On the other hand, people in countries

and class, insuring that the relevant variable of compar-

Country/Region

UAI

Country/Region

UAI

Country/Region

UAI

Country/Region

UAI

high on restraint are more likely to believe that gratifica-

ison is nationality. However, it seems hard to escape the

Greece

112

Costa Rica

86

Ecuador

67

Indonesia

48

tion should be curbed and that it should be regulated by

conclusion that since the study consisted solely of IBM

Portugal

104

Turkey

85

Germany

65

Canada

48

strict social norms (Hof stede et al., 2010).

employees, the results may have more to say about IBM

Guatemala

101

South Korea

85

Thailand

64

USA

46

corporate culture than about anything broader. Moreover,

Uruguay

100

Mexico

82

Iran

59

Philippines

44

CRITIQUE OF HOFSTEDE’S THEORY

we should not forget that when Hofstede’s research was

El Salvador

94

Israel

81

Finland

59

India

40

Among the various attempts by social scientists to study

first conducted, IBM employed mostly men, so women’s

Belgium

94

Colombia

80

Switzerland

58

Malaysia

36

human values from a cultural perspective, Hofstede’s is

perspectives are also largely missing (Orr & Hauser, 2008).

Japan

92

Venezuela

76

West Africa

54

Great Britain

35

certainly popular. In fact, it would be a rare culture text

Hofstede’s theory has also been faulted for promoting a

that did not pay special attention to Hofstede’s theory. The

largely static view of culture (Hamden-Turner & Trompe-

Yugoslavia

88

Brazil

76

Netherlands

53

Ireland

35

current text is a case in point. However, Hofstede’s theory

naars, 1997). As Orr and Hauser (2008) have suggested, Peru

87

Italy

75

East Africa

52

Hong Kong

29

has also been seriously questioned, and we will summarize

the world has changed in dramatic ways since Hofstede’s

Panama

86

Pakistan

70

Australia

51

Sweden

29

some of the most common criticisms below.

research began. The world map has changed, cultures

France

86

Austria

70

Norway

50

Denmark

23

First, Hofstede’s methodology has been criticized. To

themselves may have changed, and the original data is

Chile

86

Taiwan

69

South Africa

49

Jamaica

13

begin with, the way in which the questionnaire was devel-

likely to be out of date. In fact, it is somewhat of a puz-

Spain

86

Arab countries

68

New Zealand

49

Singapore

8

oped has been described as haphazard (Orr & Hauser,

zle why Hofstede’s theory continues to enjoy the popular-

Argentina

86

2008). Indeed, the questionnaire was not even original y

ity that it does. Indeed, over the years, attempts by many

developed to explore cultural values but instead to assess

researchers to replicate Hofstede’s findings have not been

From Hofstede (1997), p. 113.

job satisfaction within IBM. It is hard to believe that ques-

very successful (Orr & Hauser, 2008).

tions framed to explore workplace attitudes are relevant to

broader cultural attitudes outside of the work place.

FINAL REFLECTION

Critics also point out that Hofstede’s conclusions In this chapter, we have surveyed two approaches to the TABLE 3.6 long-Term orientation (lTo) for 23 Countries

are based on insufficient samples (McSweeney, 2002).

study of cultural values: that of Kluckhohn and Strodt-

Country

LTO

Country

LTO

Country

LTO

Country

LTO

Although 117,000 questionnaires were administered, only

beck, that of Hofstede. The study of values will no doubt

China

118

India

61

Poland

32

Zimbabwe

25

the results from 40 countries were used. Furthermore, only

remain a vibrant subject for cross-cultural researchers.

Hong Kong

96

Thailand

56

Germany

31

Canada

23

6 countries had more than 1000 respondents, and in 15

However, implicit in Hofstede’s work, in particular, is

Taiwan

87

Singapore

48

Australia

31

Philippines

19

countries, there were fewer than 200 respondents. Surely

the idea that there exists such a thing as a national culture.

it is not appropriate for 200 people to speak on behalf of a

In discussing cultural values, we have temporarily gone

Japan

80

Netherlands

44

New Zealand

30

Nigeria

16

country of millions.

along with this suggestion. However, in closing, let us raise

South Korea

75

Bangladesh

40

USA

29

Pakistan

0

Critics have also been skeptical about the assumption

the question of whether the idea of national culture actual y

Brazil

65

Sweden

33

Great Britain

25

that IBM employees are representative of national cul-

makes any sense. McSweeney (2002, p. 110), echoing the

From Hofstede (1997), p. 166.

tures as a whole. And even within IBM, the surveys were

sentiments of many other scholars insists that “the prefix-

administered only to certain categories of workers, i.e.,

ing of the name of a country to something to imply national

“marketing-plus-sales,” leaving out many other employee

uniformity is grossly over-used.” In his view, Hofstede’s

categories, including blue-col ar workers, full-time stu-

dimensions are little more than statistical myths. Perhaps

TABLE 3.7 Indulgence vs. Restraint. Ranking of 40 Countries from most to least Indulgent

dents, retired employees, etc. (McSweeney, 2002). Hofst-

culture is a term better applied to small collectivities and

ede has suggested that restricting the sample in this way

any such thing as national culture is a mere il usion.

High-Indulgence Countries

High-Restraint Countries

1 Venezuela

11 Australia

74 Morocco

83 Iraq

2 Mexico

12 Cyprus

75 China

85 Estonia

3 Puerto Rico

12 Denmark

76 Azerbaijan

85 Bulgaria

KEY TAKEAWAYS

4 El Salvador

14 Great Britain

77 Russia

85 Lithuania

• The Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations theory posits that

• Hofstede’s Dimensions of Culture theory highlights similarities

5 Nigeria

15 Canada

77 Montenegro

88 Belarus

every culture faces the same basic survival needs and must

and differences between national cultures.

6 Colombia

15 Netherlands

77 Romania

88 Albania

answer the same universal questions.

• Hofstede’s theory identifies six dimensions: power distance,

7 Trinidad

15 USA

77 Bangladesh

90 Ukraine

• The basic questions faced by people everywhere fall into five

individualism vs. collectivism, masculinity vs. femininity,

categories and reflect concerns about human nature, the rela-

uncertainty avoidance, long-term vs. short-term orientation, and

8 Sweden

18 Iceland

81 Moldova

91 Latvia

tionship between human beings and the natural world, time,

indulgence vs. self-restraint.

9 New Zealand

19 Switzerland

82 Burkina Faso

92 Egypt

human activity, and social relations.

• Despite its popularity, Hofstede’s theory has been criticized for

10 Ghana

19 Malta

83 Hong Kong

93 Pakistan

• Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck hypothesized three possible

a number of reasons, including its methodology, conclusions,

From Jandt (2016), p. 175.

responses or orientations to each of the concerns.

and poor representation of current cultures.

62 • CHAPTER 3

EXERCISES

1. Choose two national cultures that interest you. Compare and

3. Is your primary cultural community a “high-indulgence” or a

contrast them using Hofstede’s six dimensions of culture.

“high-restraint” community? How does this cultural orientation

2. Choose a community that you know well and decide where you

align with your own personal orientation? Are you a “high-indul-

think most members of the community would place themselves

gence” or a “high-restraint” person?

within Table 3.1—the Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations

4. Do you think it is possible to identify national values, or do you

framework. Explain your reasoning. Are your views the same or

think values differ significantly from person to person and place

different from those of your primary community?

to place? Explain.

REFERENCES

Chinese Culture Connection. (1987). Chinese culture and the search for

Kluckhohn, F. R., & Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in value

culture-free dimensions of culture. Journal of Cross-Cultural

orientations. Row, Peterson.

Psychology, 18(2), 143–164.

McSweeney, B. (2002). Hofstede’s model of national cultural differences

Hamden-Turner, C., & Trompenaars, F. (1997). Response to Geert

and their consequences: A triumph of faith—a failure of analysis.

Hofstede. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 21(1),

Human Relations, 55(1), 89–118. https://doi.org/10.1177/

149–159.

0018726702551004

Hill, M. D. (2002). Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s values orientation theory.

Orr, L. M., & Hauser, W. J. (2008). A re-inquiry of Hofstede’s cultural

Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, 4(4). https://doi.org/

dimensions: A call for 21st century cross-cultural research. The

10.9707/2307-0919.1040

Marketing Management Journal, 18(2), 1–19.

Hofstede, G. (1997). Cultures and organizations: Software of the mind.

Rokeach, M. (1979). Understanding human values: Individual and

McGraw-Hill.

societal. The Free Press.

Hofstede, G., Hofstede, G. J., & Minkov, M. (2010). Cultures and

Schwartz, S. H. (2006). A theory of cultural value orientations: Explication

organizations: Software of the mind (3rd ed.). McGraw-Hill.

and applications. Comparative Sociology, 5(2–3), 137–182. https://

Jandt, F. E. (2016). An introduction to intercultural communication:

doi.org/10.1163/156913306778667357

Identities in a global community (8th ed.) SAGE Publications.

Contents

CHAPTER 4

CHAPTER 4

Introduction to Race and Ethnicity 63

Introduction to Race and Ethnicity

RACIAL, ETHNIC, AND MINORITY GROUPS

64

What Is Race? 64

SOURCE

Griffiths, H., Keirns, N., Strayer, E., Cody-Rydzewski, S., Scaramuzzo, G., Sadler, T., Vyain, S., Bry, J., Jones, F., & Rice

What Is Ethnicity?

65

University. (2015, April 24). Introduction to race and ethnicity. In Introduction to sociology (2nd ed.). OpenStax. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-2e/pages/11-introduction-to-race-and-ethnicity

What Are Minority Groups?

65

(Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License)

DISCRIMINATION, STEREOTYPES, PREJUDICE AND RACE

65

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. Understand the difference between race and ethnicity.

8. Identify examples of culture of prejudice.

Prejudice and Racism 65

2. Define a majority group (dominant group).

9. Explain different intergroup relations in terms of their relative

3. Define a minority group (subordinate group).

levels of tolerance.

Discrimination 66

4. Explain the difference between stereotypes, prejudice, discrim-

10. Give historical and/or contemporary examples of each type of

ination, and racism.

intergroup relation.

Racial Tensions in the United States 66

5. Identify different types of discrimination.

11. Compare and contrast the different experiences of various

6. View racial tension through a sociological lens.

ethnic groups in the United States.

Multiple Identities

67

7. Describe how major sociological perspectives view race and

12. Apply theories of intergroup relations, race, and ethnicity to

ethnicity.

different subordinate groups.

THEORIES OF RACE AND ETHNICITY

68

Theoretical Perspectives

68

KEY TERMS

amalgamation

genocide

racism

Culture of Prejudice 69

assimilation

institutional racism

redlining

colorism

intersection theory

scapegoat theory

INTERGROUP RELATIONSHIPS

69

culture of prejudice

minority group

sedimentation of racial inequality

de facto segregation

model minority

segregation

Genocide 69

discrimination

pluralism

social construction of race

dominant group

prejudice

stereotypes

Expulsion 70

ethnicity

racial profiling

subordinate group

expulsion

racial steering

White privilege

Segregation 70

Pluralism 71

Assimilation 71

Trayvon Martin was a seventeen-year-old Black teen- A public outcry followed Martin’s death. There were

ager. On the evening of February 26, 2012, he was vis-

allegations of racial profiling—the use by law enforce-

Amalgamation 72

iting with his father and his father’s fiancée in the Sanford,

ment of race alone to determine whether to stop and

Florida multi-ethnic gated community where his father’s

detain someone—a national discussion about “Stand Your

RACE AND ETHNICITY IN THE UNITED STATES 72

fiancée lived. Trayvon went on foot to buy a snack from

Ground Laws,” and a failed lawsuit in which Zimmerman

a nearby convenience store. As he was returning, George

accused NBC of airing an edited version of the 911 cal

Native Americans

72

Zimmerman, a White Hispanic male and the community’s

that made him appear racist. Zimmerman was not arrested

neighborhood watch program coordinator, noticed him.

until April 11, when he was charged with second-degree

African Americans

74

In light of a recent rash of break-ins, Zimmerman called

murder by special prosecutor Angela Corey. In the ensu-

the police to report a person acting suspiciously, which

ing trial, he was found not guilty (CNN Editorial Research,

Asian Americans

75

he had done on many other occasions. The 911 operator

2014).

told Zimmerman not to follow the teen, but soon after

The shooting, the public response, and the trial that

Hispanic Americans 76

Zimmerman and Martin had a physical confrontation. followed offer a snapshot of the sociology of race. Do you According to Zimmerman, Martin attacked him, and in

think race played a role in Martin’s death or in the public

Arab Americans

78

the ensuing scuffle Martin was shot and killed (CNN Edi-

reaction to it? Do you think race had any influence on the

torial Research, 2014).

initial decision not to arrest Zimmerman, or on his later

White Ethnic Americans

79

63

REFERENCES 81

64 • CHAPTER 4

Social science organizations including the American

Association of Anthropologists, the American Sociological

Association, and the American Psychological Association

have all taken an official position rejecting the biological

explanations of race. Over time, the typology of race that

developed during early racial science has fallen into dis-

use, and the social construction of race is a more socio-

logical way of understanding racial categories. Research in

this school of thought suggests that race is not biological y

identifiable and that previous racial categories were arbi-

trarily assigned, based on pseudoscience, and used to jus-

tify racist practices (Omi & Winant, 1994; Graves, 2003).

When considering skin color, for example, the social con-

The million Hoodies rally in new york’s union Square,

struction of race perspective recognizes that the relative

protesting the shooting of Trayvon martin. (Photo by David

Shankbone is in the public domain.) darkness or fairness of skin is an evolutionary adaptation

to the available sunlight in different regions of the world.

Contemporary conceptions of race, therefore, which tend

acquittal? Does society fear Black men, leading to racial

to be based on socioeconomic assumptions, il uminate

profiling at an institutional level? What about the role of

how far removed modern understanding of race is from

the media? Was there a deliberate attempt to manipulate

biological qualities. In modern society, some people who

public opinion? If you were a member of the jury, would

consider themselves “White” actual y have more melanin

you have convicted George Zimmerman?

(a pigment that determines skin color) in their skin than

other people who identify as ”Black.” Consider the case of

RACIAL, ETHNIC, AND MINORITY GROUPS

the actress Rashida Jones. She is the daughter of a Black

While many students first entering a sociology classroom

man (Quincy Jones), and her best-known roles include

are accustomed to conflating the terms “race,” “ethnic-

Ann Perkins on Parks and Recreation, Karen Filippelli

ity,” and “minority group,” these three terms have distinct

on The Office, and Zooey Rice in I Love You Man, none

meanings for sociologists. The idea of race refers to super-

of whom are Black characters. In some countries, such as

ficial physical differences that a particular society considers

Brazil, class is more important than skin color in deter-

significant, while ethnicity describes shared culture. And

mining racial categorization. People with high levels of

the term “minority groups” describe groups that are subor-

melanin may consider themselves “White” if they enjoy a

dinate, or that lack power in society regardless of skin color

middle-class lifestyle. On the other hand, someone with

or country of origin. For example, in modern U.S. history,

low levels of melanin might be assigned the identity of

the elderly might be considered a minority group due to a

“Black” if he or she has little education or money.

diminished status that results from popular prejudice and

The social construction of race is also reflected in

discrimination against them. Ten percent of nursing home

the way names for racial categories change with chang-

staff admitted to physical y abusing an elderly person in the

ing times. It’s worth noting that race, in this sense, is also

past year, and 40% admitted to committing psychological

a system of labeling that provides a source of identity;

abuse (World Health Organization, 2011). In this chapter

specific labels fall in and out of favor during different

we focus on racial and ethnic minorities.

social eras. For example, the category ”negroid,” popular

in the nineteenth century, evolved into the term “negro”

What Is Race?

by the 1960s, and then this term fell from use and was

Historical y, the concept of race has changed across cul-

replaced with “African American.” This latter term was

tures and eras, and has eventual y become less connected

intended to celebrate the multiple identities that a Black

with ancestral and familial ties, and more concerned with

person might hold, but the word choice is a poor one: it

superficial physical characteristics. In the past, theorists

lumps together a large variety of ethnic groups under an

have posited categories of race based on various geo-

umbrel a term while excluding others who could accu-

graphic regions, ethnicities, skin colors, and more. Their

rately be described by the label but who do not meet the

labels for racial groups have connoted regions (Mongolia

spirit of the term. For example, actress Charlize Theron is

and the Caucus Mountains, for instance) or skin tones

a blonde-haired, blue-eyed “African American.” She was

(black, white, yellow, and red, for example).

born in South Africa and later became a U.S. citizen. Is

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 65

her identity that of an “African American” as most of us

color or language, (3) involuntary membership in the

understand the term?

group, (4) awareness of subordination, and (5) high rate

of in-group marriage. Additional examples of minority

What Is Ethnicity?

groups might include the LBGT community, religious

Ethnicity is a term that describes shared culture—the practitioners whose faith is not widely practiced where practices, values, and beliefs of a group. This culture they live, and people with disabilities.

might include shared language, religion, and traditions,

Scapegoat theory, developed initial y from Dol ard

among other commonalities. Like race, the term ethnicity

et al.’s (1939) Frustration-Aggression theory, suggests that

is difficult to describe and its meaning has changed over

the dominant group will displace its unfocused aggression

time. And as with race, individuals may be identified or

onto a subordinate group. History has shown us many

self-identify with ethnicities in complex, even contradic-

examples of the scapegoating of a subordinate group.

tory, ways. For example, ethnic groups such as Irish, Ital-

An example from the last century is the way Adolf Hit-

ian American, Russian, Jewish, and Serbian might all be

ler was able to blame the Jewish population for Germa-

groups whose members are predominantly included in

ny’s social and economic problems. In the United States,

the “White” racial category. Conversely, the ethnic group

recent immigrants have frequently been the scapegoat for

British includes citizens from a multiplicity of racial back-

the nation’s—or an individual’s—woes. Many states have

grounds: Black, White, Asian, and more, plus a variety of

enacted laws to disenfranchise immigrants; these laws are

race combinations. These examples il ustrate the complex-

popular because they let the dominant group scapegoat a

ity and overlap of these identifying terms. Ethnicity, like

subordinate group.

race, continues to be an identification method that indi-

viduals and institutions use today—whether through the

DISCRIMINATION, STEREOTYPES,

census, affirmative action initiatives, nondiscrimination PREJUDICE AND RACE

laws, or simply in personal day-to-day relations.

The terms stereotype, prejudice, discrimination, and rac-

ism are often used interchangeably in everyday conversa-

What Are Minority Groups?

tion. Let us explore the differences between these concepts.

Sociologist Louis Wirth (1945) defined a minority group

Stereotypes are oversimplified generalizations about

as “any group of people who, because of their physical or

groups of people. Stereotypes can be based on race, eth-

cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in

nicity, age, gender, sexual orientation—almost any char-

the society in which they live for differential and unequal

acteristic. They may be positive (usual y about one’s own

treatment, and who therefore regard themselves as objects

group, such as when women suggest they are less likely

of collective discrimination.” The term minority connotes

to complain about physical pain) but are often negative

discrimination, and in its sociological use, the term sub-

(usual y toward other groups, such as when members of

ordinate group can be used interchangeably with the term

a dominant racial group suggest that a subordinate racial

minority, while the term dominant group is often substi-

group is stupid or lazy). In either case, the stereotype is a

tuted for the group that’s in the majority. These definitions

generalization that doesn’t take individual differences into

correlate to the concept that the dominant group is that

account.

which holds the most power in a given society, while sub-

Where do stereotypes come from? In fact new stereo-

ordinate groups are those who lack power compared to the

types are rarely created; rather, they are recycled from sub-

dominant group.

ordinate groups that have assimilated into society and are

Note that being a numerical minority is not a char-

reused to describe newly subordinate groups. For example,

acteristic of being a minority group; sometimes larger many stereotypes that are currently used to characterize groups can be considered minority groups due to their

Black people were used earlier in American history to

lack of power. It is the lack of power that is the predomi-

characterize Irish and Eastern European immigrants.

nant characteristic of a minority, or subordinate group. For

Prejudice and Racism

example, consider apartheid in South Africa, in which a

numerical majority (the Black inhabitants of the country)

Prejudice refers to the beliefs, thoughts, feelings, and atti-

were exploited and oppressed by the White minority.

tudes someone holds about a group. A prejudice is not

According to Charles Wagley and Marvin Harris based on experience; instead, it is a prejudgment, originat-

(1958), a minority group is distinguished by five charac-

ing outside actual experience. A 1970 documentary called

teristics: (1) unequal treatment and less power over their

Eye of the Storm il ustrates the way in which prejudice

lives, (2) distinguishing physical or cultural traits like skin

develops, by showing how defining one category of people

66 • CHAPTER 4

as superior (children with blue eyes) results in prejudice

criminal, economic, and political systems that exist in our

against people who are not part of the favored category.

society.

While prejudice is not necessarily specific to race, rac-

For example, when a newspaper identifies by race indi-

ism is a stronger type of prejudice used to justify the belief

viduals accused of a crime, it may enhance stereotypes of

that one racial category is somehow superior or inferior to

a certain minority. Another example of racist practices is

others; it is also a set of practices used by a racial major-

racial steering, in which real estate agents direct prospec-

ity to disadvantage a racial minority. The Ku Klux Klan is

tive homeowners toward or away from certain neighbor-

an example of a racist organization; its members’ belief in

hoods based on their race. Racist attitudes and beliefs are

White supremacy has encouraged over a century of hate

often more insidious and harder to pin down than specific

crime and hate speech.

racist practices.

Institutional racism refers to the way in which racism

Prejudice and discrimination can overlap and inter-

is embedded in the fabric of society. For example, the dis-

sect in many ways. To il ustrate, here are four examples

proportionate number of Black men arrested, charged, and

of how prejudice and discrimination can occur. Unprej-

convicted of crimes may reflect racial profiling, a form of

udiced nondiscriminators are open-minded, tolerant, and

institutional racism.

accepting individuals. Unprejudiced discriminators might

Colorism is another kind of prejudice, in which some-

be those who unthinkingly practice sexism in their work-

one believes one type of skin tone is superior or inferior to

place by not considering females for certain positions that

another within a racial group. Studies suggest that darker

have traditional y been held by men. Prejudiced nondis-

skinned African Americans experience more discrimi-

criminators are those who hold racist beliefs but don’t act

nation than lighter skinned African Americans (Herring

on them, such as a racist store owner who serves minority

et al., 2004; Klonoff & Landrine, 2000). For example, if a customers. Prejudiced discriminators include those who

White employer believes a Black employee with a darker

actively make disparaging remarks about others or who

skin tone is less capable than a Black employee with lighter

perpetrate hate crimes.

skin tone, that is colorism. At least one study suggested the

Discrimination also manifests in different ways. The

colorism affected racial socialization, with darker-skinned

scenarios above are examples of individual discrimination,

Black male adolescents receiving more warnings about the

but other types exist. Institutional discrimination occurs

danger of interacting with members of other racial groups

when a societal system has developed with embedded dis-

than did lighter-skinned Black male adolescents (Landor

enfranchisement of a group, such as the U.S. military’s his-

et al., 2013).

torical nonacceptance of minority sexualities (the “don’t

ask, don’t tel ” policy reflected this norm).

Discrimination

Institutional discrimination can also include the pro-

While prejudice refers to biased thinking, discrimination

motion of a group’s status, such in the case of White priv-

consists of actions against a group of people. Discrimina-

ilege, which is the benefits people receive simply by being

tion can be based on age, religion, health, and other indi-

part of the dominant group (McIntosh, 1989).

cators; race-based laws against discrimination strive to

While most White people are willing to admit that

address this set of social problems.

non-White people live with a set of disadvantages due to

Discrimination based on race or ethnicity can take

the color of their skin, very few are willing to acknowledge

many forms, from unfair housing practices to biased the benefits they receive.

hiring systems. Overt discrimination has long been part

Racial Tensions in the United States

of U.S. history. In the late nineteenth century, it was not

uncommon for business owners to hang signs that read,

The death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, on

“Help Wanted: No Irish Need Apply.” And southern Jim

August 9, 2014, il ustrates racial tensions in the United

Crow laws, with their “Whites Only” signs, exemplified

States as well as the overlap between prejudice, discrim-

overt discrimination that is not tolerated today.

ination, and institutional racism. On that day, Brown, a

However, we cannot erase discrimination from our

young unarmed Black man, was killed by a White police

culture just by enacting laws to abolish it. Even if a magic

officer named Darren Wilson. During the incident, Wil-

pill managed to eradicate racism from each individual’s

son directed Brown and his friend to walk on the side-

psyche, society itself would maintain it. Sociologist Émile

walk instead of in the street. While eyewitness accounts

Durkheim (1982) cal s racism a social fact, meaning that it

vary, they agree that an altercation occurred between

does not require the action of individuals to continue. The

Wilson and Brown. Wilson’s version has him shooting

reasons for this are complex and relate to the educational,

Brown in self-defense after Brown assaulted him, while

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 67

Dorian Johnson, a friend of Brown also present at the

tensions in Ferguson while also reflecting nationwide

time, claimed that Brown first ran away, then turned with

racial inequalities (Bouie, 2014).

his hands in the air to surrender, after which Wilson shot

Multiple Identities

him repeatedly (Nobles & Bosman, 2014). Three autopsies

independently confirmed that Brown was shot six times

Prior to the twentieth century, racial intermarriage

(Lowery & Fears, 2014).

(referred to as miscegenation) was extremely rare, and in

The shooting focused attention on a number of race-re-

many places, illegal. In the later part of the twentieth cen-

lated tensions in the United States. First, members of the

tury and in the twenty-first century, as Figure 4.1 shows,

predominantly Black community viewed Brown’s death

attitudes have changed for the better. While the sexual

as the result of a White police officer racial y profiling a

subordination of slaves did result in children of mixed

Black man (Nobles & Bosman, 2014). In the days after,

race, these children were usual y considered Black, and

it was revealed that only three members of the town’s fif-

therefore, property. There was no concept of multiple

ty-three-member police force were Black (Nobles & Bos-

racial identities with the possible exception of the Creole.

man, 2014). The national dialogue shifted during the next

Creole society developed in the port city of New Orleans,

few weeks, with some commentators pointing to a nation-

where a mixed-race culture grew from French and African

wide sedimentation of racial inequality and identifying

inhabitants. Unlike in other parts of the country, “Creoles

redlining in Ferguson as a cause of the unbalanced racial

of color” had greater social, economic, and educational

composition in the community, in local political establish-

opportunities than most African Americans (Caver &

ments, and in the police force (Bouie, 2014). Redlining is

Williams, 2011).

the practice of routinely refusing mortgages for house-

Increasingly during the modern era, the removal of

holds and businesses located in predominately minority

miscegenation laws and a trend toward equal rights and

communities, while sedimentation of racial inequality legal protection against racism have steadily reduced the describes the intergenerational impact of both practical

social stigma attached to racial exogamy (exogamy refers

and legalized racism that limits the abilities of Black peo-

to marriage outside a person’s core social unit). It is now

ple to accumulate wealth.

common for the children of racial y mixed parents to

Ferguson’s racial imbalance may explain in part why,

acknowledge and celebrate their various ethnic identi-

even though in 2010 only about 63% of its population

ties. Golfer Tiger Woods, for instance, has Chinese, Thai,

was Black, in 2013 Blacks were detained in 86% of stops,

African American, Native American, and Dutch heri-

92% of searches, and 93% of arrests (Missouri Attorney

tage; he jokingly refers to his ethnicity as “Cablinasian,”

General’s Office, 2014). In addition, de facto segregation

a term he coined to combine several of his ethnic back-

in Ferguson’s schools, a race-based wealth gap, urban grounds. While this is the trend, it is not yet evident in all sprawl, and a Black unemployment rate three times that

aspects of our society. For example, the U.S. Census only

Historical public opinion of approval/disapproval of interracial marriage in the United States

of the White unemployment rate worsened existing racial

recently added additional categories for people to identify

source: Gallup, Inc., 2007

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

Approve

50%

Disapprove

40%

No opinion

30%

20%

10%

0% 1958 1968 1972 1978 1983 1991 1994 1997 2002 2003 2004 2007

FIGURE 4.1 Historical public opinion of approval/disapproval of interracial marriage in the united States (Source: Gallup, Inc., 2007). (This work, Approval of Interracial Marriage US, is a derivative of Public opinion of interracial marriage in the United States by Yerevanci/Wikimedia

Commons, used under CC BY-SA 3.0. Approval of Interracial Marriage US is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

68 • CHAPTER 4

girls chose to go home for the day but then challenged the

school’s decision, appealing first to the principal, then to the

district superintendent, then to the U.S. District Court, and

finally to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals (Hudson, 2009).

Why did the school ban the purses, and why did it stand

behind that ban, even when being sued? Why did the girls,

identified anonymously in court documents as A.M. and A.T.,

pursue such strong legal measures for their right to carry the

purses? The issue, of course, is not the purses: it is the Con-

federate flag that adorns them. The parties in this case join a

long line of people and institutions that have fought for their

right to display it, saying such a display is covered by the

First Amendment’s guarantee of free speech. In the end, the

Golfer Tiger Woods has Chinese, Thai, African American,

native American, and dutch heritage. Individuals with

court sided with the district and noted that the Confederate

multiple ethnic backgrounds are becoming more common.

flag carried symbolism significant enough to disrupt normal

(Tiger Woods by Omar Rawlings is used under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)

school activities.

While many young people in the United States like to

themselves, such as non-White Hispanic. A growing num-

believe that racism is mostly in the country’s past, this case

ber of people chose multiple races to describe themselves

illustrates how racism and discrimination are quite alive

on the 2010 Census, paving the way for the 2020 Census to

today. If the Confederate flag is synonymous with slavery,

provide yet more choices.

is there any place for its display in modern society? Those

who fight for their right to display the flag say such a display

should be covered by the First Amendment: the right to free

■ Big Picture • The Confederate

speech. But others say the flag is equivalent to hate speech.

Flag vs. the First Amendment

Do you think that displaying the Confederate flag should

In January 2006, two girls walked into Burleson High School

considered free speech or hate speech? ■

in Texas carrying purses that displayed large images of Con-

federate flags. School administrators told the girls that they

THEORIES OF RACE AND ETHNICITY

were in violation of the dress code, which prohibited apparel

with inappropriate symbolism or clothing that discriminated

Theoretical Perspectives

based on race. To stay in school, they’d have to have some-

We can examine issues of race and ethnicity through

one pick up their purses or leave them in the office. The

three major sociological perspectives: functionalism, con-

flict theory, and symbolic interactionism. As you read

through these theories, ask yourself which one makes the

most sense and why. Do we need more than one theory to

explain racism, prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination?

Functionalism

In the view of functionalism, racial and ethnic inequalities

must have served an important function in order to exist as

long as they have. This concept, of course, is problematic.

How can racism and discrimination contribute positively

to society? A functionalist might look at “functions” and

“dysfunctions” caused by racial inequality. Nash (1964)

focused his argument on the way racism is functional for

the dominant group, for example, suggesting that racism

moral y justifies a racial y unequal society. Consider the

This Confederate flag outside the South Carolina State

way slave owners justified slavery in the antebel um South,

House was permanently removed in 2015. To some, the

by suggesting Black people were fundamental y inferior to

Confederate flag is a symbol of pride in Southern history.

White and preferred slavery to freedom.

To others, it is a grim reminder of a degrading period of

the united States’ past. (222 - Columbia, South Carolina by Jason

Another way to apply the functionalist perspective

Lander is used under CC BY 2.0.) to racism is to discuss the way racism can contribute

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 69

positively to the functioning of society by strengthening

interactionists propose that the symbols of race, not

bonds between in-group members through the ostracism

race itself, are what lead to racism. Famed Interactionist

of out-group members. Consider how a community might

Herbert Blumer (1958) suggested that racial prejudice

increase solidarity by refusing to allow outsiders access.

is formed through interactions between members of the

On the other hand, Rose (1958) suggested that dysfunc-

dominant group: Without these interactions, individuals

tions associated with racism include the failure to take

in the dominant group would not hold racist views. These

advantage of talent in the subjugated group, and that soci-

interactions contribute to an abstract picture of the subor-

ety must divert from other purposes the time and effort

dinate group that allows the dominant group to support

needed to maintain artificial y constructed racial bound-

its view of the subordinate group, and thus maintains the

aries. Consider how much money, time, and effort went

status quo. An example of this might be an individual

toward maintaining separate and unequal educational sys-

whose beliefs about a particular group are based on images

tems prior to the civil rights movement.

conveyed in popular media, and those are unquestionably

believed because the individual has never personal y met

Conflict Theory

a member of that group. Another way to apply the inter-

Conflict theories are often applied to inequalities of gender,

actionist perspective is to look at how people define their

social class, education, race, and ethnicity. A conflict the-

races and the race of others. As we discussed in relation

ory perspective of U.S. history would examine the numer-

to the social construction of race, since some people who

ous past and current struggles between the White ruling

claim a White identity have a greater amount of skin pig-

class and racial and ethnic minorities, noting specific con-

mentation than some people who claim a Black identity,

flicts that have arisen when the dominant group perceived

how did they come to define themselves as Black or White?

a threat from the minority group. In the late nineteenth

Culture of Prejudice

century, the rising power of Black Americans after the Civil

War resulted in draconian Jim Crow laws that severely lim-

Culture of prejudice refers to the theory that prejudice

ited Black political and social power. For example, Vivien

is embedded in our culture. We grow up surrounded by

Thomas (1910–1985), the Black surgical technician who

images of stereotypes and casual expressions of racism

helped develop the groundbreaking surgical technique and prejudice. Consider the casual y racist imagery on that saves the lives of “blue babies” was classified as a grocery store shelves or the stereotypes that fill popular janitor for many years, and paid as such, despite the fact

movies and advertisements. It is easy to see how someone

that he was conducting complicated surgical experiments.

living in the Northeastern United States, who may know

The years since the Civil War have showed a pattern of

no Mexican Americans personal y, might gain a stereo-

attempted disenfranchisement, with gerrymandering and

typed impression from such sources as Speedy Gonza-

voter suppression efforts aimed at predominantly minority

lez or Taco Bel ’s talking Chihuahua. Because we are al

neighborhoods.

exposed to these images and thoughts, it is impossible to

Feminist sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (1990) fur-

know to what extent they have influenced our thought

ther developed intersection theory, original y articulated

processes.

in 1989 by Kimberlé Crenshaw, which suggests we cannot

separate the effects of race, class, gender, sexual orienta-

INTERGROUP RELATIONSHIPS

tion, and other attributes. When we examine race and how

Intergroup relations (relationships between different groups

it can bring us both advantages and disadvantages, it is

of people) range along a spectrum between tolerance and

important to acknowledge that the way we experience race

intolerance. The most tolerant form of intergroup rela-

is shaped, for example, by our gender and class. Multiple

tions is pluralism, in which no distinction is made between

layers of disadvantage intersect to create the way we expe-

minority and majority groups, but instead there’s equal

rience race. For example, if we want to understand preju-

standing. At the other end of the continuum are amalga-

dice, we must understand that the prejudice focused on a

mation, expulsion, and even genocide—stark examples of

White woman because of her gender is very different from

intolerant intergroup relations.

the layered prejudice focused on a poor Asian woman,

Genocide

who is affected by stereotypes related to being poor, being

a woman, and her ethnic status.

Genocide, the deliberate annihilation of a targeted (usual y

subordinate) group, is the most toxic intergroup relation-

Interactionism

ship. Historical y, we can see that genocide has included

For symbolic interactionists, race and ethnicity pro-

both the intent to exterminate a group and the function of

vide strong symbols as sources of identity. In fact, some

exterminating of a group, intentional or not.

70 • CHAPTER 4

Possibly the most well-known case of genocide is Hit-

expulsion can be a factor in genocide. However, it can

ler’s attempt to exterminate the Jewish people in the first

also stand on its own as a destructive group interaction.

part of the twentieth century. Also known as the Holo-

Expulsion has often occurred historical y with an ethnic

caust, the explicit goal of Hitler’s “Final Solution” was the

or racial basis. In the United States, President Franklin D.

eradication of European Jewry, as well as the destruction

Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 in 1942, after the

of other minority groups such as Catholics, people with

Japanese government’s attack on Pearl Harbor. The Order

disabilities, and homosexuals. With forced emigration, authorized the establishment of internment camps for concentration camps, and mass executions in gas cham-anyone with as little as one-eighth Japanese ancestry (i.e.,

bers, Hitler’s Nazi regime was responsible for the deaths of

one great-grandparent who was Japanese). Over 120,000

12 million people, 6 million of whom were Jewish. Hitler’s

legal Japanese residents and Japanese U.S. citizens, many

intent was clear, and the high Jewish death toll certainly

of them children, were held in these camps for up to four

indicates that Hitler and his regime committed genocide.

years, despite the fact that there was never any evidence

But how do we understand genocide that is not so overt

of col usion or espionage. (In fact, many Japanese Ameri-

and deliberate?

cans continued to demonstrate their loyalty to the United

The treatment of aboriginal Australians is also an States by serving in the U.S. military during the War.) In example of genocide committed against indigenous people.

the 1990s, the U.S. executive branch issued a formal apol-

Historical accounts suggest that between 1824 and 1908,

ogy for this expulsion; reparation efforts continue today.

White settlers killed more than 10,000 native aborigines in

Segregation

Tasmania and Australia (Tatz, 2006). Another example is

the European colonization of North America. Some histo-

Segregation refers to the physical separation of two

rians estimate that Native American populations dwindled

groups, particularly in residence, but also in workplace and

from approximately 12 million people in the year 1500 to

social functions. It is important to distinguish between de

barely 237,000 by the year 1900 (Lewy, 2004). European

jure segregation (segregation that is enforced by law) and

settlers coerced American Indians off their own lands, de facto segregation (segregation that occurs without laws often causing thousands of deaths in forced removals, such

but because of other factors). A stark example of de jure

as occurred in the Cherokee or Potawatomi Trail of Tears.

segregation is the apartheid movement of South Africa,

Settlers also enslaved Native Americans and forced them to

which existed from 1948 to 1994. Under apartheid, Black

give up their religious and cultural practices. But the major

South Africans were stripped of their civil rights and forci-

cause of Native American death was neither slavery nor war

bly relocated to areas that segregated them physical y from

nor forced removal: it was the introduction of European

their White compatriots. Only after decades of degrada-

diseases and Indians’ lack of immunity to them. Smal -

tion, violent uprisings, and international advocacy was

pox, diphtheria, and measles flourished among indigenous

apartheid final y abolished.

American tribes who had no exposure to the diseases and

De jure segregation occurred in the United States for

no ability to fight them. Quite simply, these diseases deci-

many years after the Civil War. During this time, many

mated the tribes. How planned this genocide was remains

former Confederate states passed Jim Crow laws that

a topic of contention. Some argue that the spread of disease

required segregated facilities for Blacks and Whites. These

was an unintended effect of conquest, while others believe

it was intentional citing rumors of smal pox-infected blan-

kets being distributed as “gifts” to tribes.

Genocide is not a just a historical concept; it is prac-

ticed today. Recently, ethnic and geographic conflicts in

the Darfur region of Sudan have led to hundreds of thou-

sands of deaths. As part of an ongoing land conflict, the

Sudanese government and their state-sponsored Janjaweed

militia have led a campaign of killing, forced displacement,

and systematic rape of Darfuri people. Although a treaty

was signed in 2011, the peace is fragile.

Expulsion

Expulsion refers to a subordinate group being forced, by a

In the “Jim Crow” South, it was legal to have “separate but

dominant group, to leave a certain area or country. As seen

equal” facilities for Blacks and Whites. (Billiard Hall for Colored by

in the examples of the Trail of Tears and the Holocaust,

Marion Post Wolcott/U.S. Farm Security Administration is in the public domain.)

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 71

laws were codified in 1896’s landmark Supreme Court case

Plessy v. Ferguson, which stated that “separate but equal”

facilities were constitutional. For the next five decades,

Blacks were subjected to legalized discrimination, forced

to live, work, and go to school in separate—but unequal—

facilities. It wasn’t until 1954 and the Brown v. Board of

Education case that the Supreme Court declared that “sep-

arate educational facilities are inherently unequal,” thus

ending de jure segregation in the United States.

De facto segregation, however, cannot be abolished by

any court mandate. Segregation is still alive and well in the

United States, with different racial or ethnic groups often

segregated by neighborhood, borough, or parish. Sociolo-

gists use segregation indices to measure racial segregation

of different races in different areas. The indices employ a

scale from zero to 100, where zero is the most integrated

and 100 is the least. In the New York metropolitan area,

for instance, the Black-White segregation index was sev-

enty-nine for the years 2005–2009. This means that 79%

of either Blacks or Whites would have to move in order

for each neighborhood to have the same racial balance as

the whole metro region (Population Studies Center, 2010).

Pluralism

Pluralism is represented by the ideal of the United States

as a “salad bowl”: a great mixture of different cultures

where each culture retains its own identity and yet adds to

For many immigrants to the united States, the Statue of

liberty is a symbol of freedom and a new life. unfortunately,

the flavor of the whole. True pluralism is characterized by

they often encounter prejudice and discrimination. (Statue of

mutual respect on the part of all cultures, both dominant

Liberty, NY by Francisco Antunes is used under CC BY 2.0.) and subordinate, creating a multicultural environment of

acceptance. In reality, true pluralism is a difficult goal to

reach. In the United States, the mutual respect required by

culture, but assimilation has minimal to no impact on the

pluralism is often missing, and the nation’s past pluralist

majority group’s cultural identity.

model of a melting pot posits a society where cultural dif-

Some groups may keep only symbolic gestures of their

ferences aren’t embraced as much as erased.

original ethnicity. For instance, many Irish Americans

may celebrate Saint Patrick’s Day, many Hindu Americans

Assimilation

enjoy a Diwali festival, and many Mexican Americans may

Assimilation describes the process by which a minority

celebrate Cinco de Mayo (a May 5 acknowledgment of

individual or group gives up its own identity by taking on

Mexico’s victory at the 1862 Battle of Puebla). However,

the characteristics of the dominant culture. In the United

for the rest of the year, other aspects of their originating

States, which has a history of welcoming and absorbing

culture may be forgotten.

immigrants from different lands, assimilation has been a

Assimilation is antithetical to the “salad bowl” created

function of immigration.

by pluralism; rather than maintaining their own cultural

Most people in the United States have immigrant flavor, subordinate cultures give up their own traditions in ancestors. In relatively recent history, between 1890 and

order to conform to their new environment. Sociologists

1920, the United States became home to around 24 million

measure the degree to which immigrants have assimilated

immigrants. In the decades since then, further waves of

to a new culture with four benchmarks: socioeconomic

immigrants have come to these shores and have eventual y

status, spatial concentration, language assimilation, and

been absorbed into U.S. culture, sometimes after facing

intermarriage. When faced with racial and ethnic dis-

extended periods of prejudice and discrimination. Assim-

crimination, it can be difficult for new immigrants to ful y

ilation may lead to the loss of the minority group’s cul-

assimilate. Language assimilation, in particular, can be a

tural identity as they become absorbed into the dominant

formidable barrier, limiting employment and educational

72 • CHAPTER 4

options and therefore constraining growth in socioeco-

and the many manifestations of multiculturalism carry

nomic status.

significant political repercussions. The sections below will

describe how several groups became part of U.S. society,

Amalgamation

discuss the history of intergroup relations for each faction,

Amalgamation is the process by which a minority group

and assess each group’s status today.

and a majority group combine to form a new group. Amal-

Native Americans

gamation creates the classic “melting pot” analogy; unlike

the “salad bowl,” in which each culture retains its individ-

The only nonimmigrant ethnic group in the United States,

uality, the “melting pot” ideal sees the combination of cul-

Native Americans once numbered in the millions but by

tures that results in a new culture entirely.

2010 made up only 0.9% of U.S. populace; see above (U.S.

Amalgamation, also known as miscegenation, is Census Bureau, 2010). Currently, about 2.9 million people achieved through intermarriage between races. In the identify themselves as Native American alone, while an United States, antimiscegenation laws flourished in the

additional 2.3 million identify them as Native American

South during the Jim Crow era. It wasn’t until 1967’s Loving

mixed with another ethnic group (Norris et al., 2012).

v. Virginia that the last antimiscegenation law was struck

from the books, making these laws unconstitutional.

■ Sociology in the Real World •

RACE AND ETHNICITY IN

Sports Teams with Native American Names

THE UNITED STATES

The sports world abounds with team names like the Indi-

When colonists came to the New World, they found a

ans, the Warriors, the Braves, and even the Savages and

land that did not need “discovering” since it was already

Redskins. These names arise from historically prejudiced

occupied. While the first wave of immigrants came from

views of Native Americans as fierce, brave, and strong sav-

Western Europe, eventual y the bulk of people entering

ages: attributes that would be beneficial to a sports team,

North America were from Northern Europe, then Eastern

but are not necessarily beneficial to people in the United

Europe, then Latin America and Asia (U.S. Department

States who should be seen as more than just fierce savages.

of Homeland Security, 2010). And let us not forget the

Since the civil rights movement of the 1960s, the National

forced immigration of African slaves. Most of these groups

Congress of American Indians (NCAI) has been campaigning

underwent a period of disenfranchisement in which they

against the use of such mascots, asserting that the “warrior

were relegated to the bottom of the social hierarchy before

savage myth . . . reinforces the racist view that Indians are

they managed (for those who could) to achieve social uncivilized and uneducated and it has been used to justify mobility. Today, our society is multicultural, although the

policies of forced assimilation and destruction of Indian cul-

extent to which this multiculturality is embraced varies,

ture” (National Congress of American Indians, 2005). The

many native Americans (and others) believe sports teams with names like the Indians, Braves, and Warriors perpetuate unwelcome stereotypes. (Chief Sitting Bull by D.F. Barry is in the public domain; Francisco Lindor by Erik Drost is used under CC BY 2.0.)

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 73

campaign has met with only limited success. While some

American society. Europeans’ domination of the Americas

teams have changed their names, hundreds of professional,

was indeed a conquest; one scholar points out that Native

college, and K–12 school teams still have names derived

Americans are the only minority group in the United States

from this stereotype. Another group, American Indian Cul-

whose subordination occurred purely through conquest by

tural Support (2005), is especially concerned with the use of

the dominant group (Marger, 1994).

such names at K–12 schools, influencing children when they

After the establishment of the United States gov-

should be gaining a fuller and more realistic understanding of

ernment, discrimination against Native Americans was

Native Americans than such stereotypes supply.

codified and formalized in a series of laws intended to sub-

What do you think about such names? Should they be

jugate them and keep them from gaining any power. Some

allowed or banned? What argument would a symbolic inter-

of the most impactful laws are as follows:

actionist make on this topic? ■

• The Indian Removal Act of 1830 forced the relo-

cation of any native tribes east of the Mississippi

River to lands west of the river.

How and Why They Came

• The Indian Appropriation Acts funded further

The earliest immigrants to America arrived millennia

removals and declared that no Indian tribe could

before European immigrants. Dates of the migration are

be recognized as an independent nation, tribe, or

debated with estimates ranging from between 45,000 and

power with which the U.S. government would have

12,000 bce. It is thought that early Indians migrated to

to make treaties. This made it even easier for the

this new land in search of big game to hunt, which they

U.S. government to take land it wanted.

found in huge herds of grazing herbivores in the Americas.

• The Dawes Act of 1887 reversed the policy of iso-

Over the centuries and then the millennia, Native Amer-

lating Native Americans on reservations, instead

ican culture blossomed into an intricate web of hundreds

forcing them onto individual properties that were

of interconnected tribes, each with its own customs, tradi-

intermingled with White settlers, thereby reducing

tions, languages, and religions.

their capacity for power as a group.

History of Intergroup Relations

Native American culture was further eroded by the

Native American culture prior to European settlement is

establishment of Indian boarding schools in the late

referred to as Pre-Columbian: that is, prior to the coming

nineteenth century. These schools, run by both Christian

of Christopher Columbus in 1492. Mistakenly believing

missionaries and the United States government, had the

that he had landed in the East Indies, Columbus named

express purpose of “civilizing” Native American children

the indigenous people “Indians,” a name that has persisted

and assimilating them into White society. The board-

for centuries despite being a geographical misnomer and

ing schools were located off-reservation to ensure that

one used to blanket 500 distinct groups who each have

children were separated from their families and culture.

their own languages and traditions.

Schools forced children to cut their hair, speak English,

The history of intergroup relations between European

and practice Christianity. Physical and sexual abuses were

colonists and Native Americans is a brutal one. As discussed

rampant for decades; only in 1987 did the Bureau of Indian

in the section on genocide, the effect of European settlement

Affairs issue a policy on sexual abuse in boarding schools.

of the Americans was to nearly destroy the indigenous pop-

Some scholars argue that many of the problems that Native

ulation. And although Native Americans’ lack of immunity

Americans face today result from almost a century of mis-

to European diseases caused the most deaths, overt mis-

treatment at these boarding schools.

treatment of Native Americans by Europeans was devastat-

Current Status

ing as wel .

From the first Spanish colonists to the French, English,

The eradication of Native American culture continued until

and Dutch who followed, European settlers took what land

the 1960s, when Native Americans were able to participate

they wanted and expanded across the continent at wil . If

in and benefit from the civil rights movement. The Indian

indigenous people tried to retain their stewardship of the

Civil Rights Act of 1968 guaranteed Indian tribes most of

land, Europeans fought them off with superior weapons.

the rights of the United States Bill of Rights. New laws like

A key element of this issue is the indigenous view of land

the Indian Self-Determination Act of 1975 and the Edu-

and land ownership. Most tribes considered the earth a liv-

cation Assistance Act of the same year recognized tribal

ing entity whose resources they were stewards of, the con-

governments and gave them more power. Indian boarding

cepts of land ownership and conquest didn’t exist in Native

schools have dwindled to only a few, and Native American

74 • CHAPTER 4

cultural groups are striving to preserve and maintain old

internal in the United States, with slaves being bought

traditions to keep them from being lost forever.

and sold across state lines like livestock. In 1808, during

However, Native Americans (some of whom now Thomas Jefferson’s presidency, Congress prohibited the

wished to be called American Indians so as to avoid the

international importation of humans to be used as slaves.

“savage” connotations of the term “native”) still suffer the

History of Intergroup Relations

effects of centuries of degradation. Long-term poverty,

inadequate education, cultural dislocation, and high rates

There is no starker il ustration of the dominant-subordi-

of unemployment contribute to Native American popu-

nate group relationship than that of slavery. In order to

lations falling to the bottom of the economic spectrum.

justify their severely discriminatory behavior, slavehold-

Native Americans also suffer disproportionately with ers and their supporters had to view Blacks as innately lower life expectancies than most groups in the United

inferior. Slaves were denied even the most basic rights

States.

of citizenship, a crucial factor for slaveholders and their

supporters. Slavery poses an excellent example of conflict

African Americans

theory’s perspective on race relations; the dominant group

As discussed in the section on race, the term African needed complete control over the subordinate group in American can be a misnomer for many individuals. Many

order to maintain its power. Whippings, executions, rapes,

people with dark skin may have their more recent roots in

denial of schooling and health care were all permissible

Europe or the Caribbean, seeing themselves as Dominican

and widely practiced.

American or Dutch American. Further, actual immigrants

Slavery eventual y became an issue over which the

from Africa may feel that they have more of a claim to the

nation divided into geographical y and ideological y dis-

term African American than those who are many genera-

tinct factions, leading to the Civil War. And while the abo-

tions removed from ancestors who original y came to this

lition of slavery on moral grounds was certainly a catalyst

country. This section will focus on the experience of the

to war, it was not the only driving force. Students of U.S.

slaves who were transported from Africa to the United

history will know that the institution of slavery was cru-

States, and their progeny. Currently, the U.S. Census cial to the Southern economy, whose production of crops

Bureau (2014) estimates that 13.2% of the United States’

like rice, cotton, and tobacco relied on the virtual y limit-

population is Black.

less and cheap labor that slavery provided. In contrast, the

North didn’t benefit economical y from slavery, resulting

How and Why They Came

in an economic disparity tied to racial/political issues.

If Native Americans are the only minority group whose

A century later, the civil rights movement was charac-

subordinate status occurred by conquest, African Ameri-

terized by boycotts, marches, sit-ins, and freedom rides:

cans are the exemplar minority group in the United States

demonstrations by a subordinate group that would no

whose ancestors did not come here by choice. A Dutch sea

longer willingly submit to domination. The major blow to

captain brought the first Africans to the Virginia colony of

America’s formal y institutionalized racism was the Civil

Jamestown in 1619 and sold them as indentured servants.

Rights Act of 1964. This Act, which is still followed today,

This was not an uncommon practice for either Blacks or

banned discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex,

Whites, and indentured servants were in high demand.

or national origin. Some sociologists, however, would

For the next century, Black and White indentured servants

argue that institutionalized racism persists.

worked side by side. But the growing agricultural econ-

Current Status

omy demanded greater and cheaper labor, and by 1705,

Virginia passed the slave codes declaring that any for-

Although government-sponsored, formalized discrimina-

eign-born non-Christian could be a slave, and that slaves

tion against African Americans has been outlawed, true

were considered property.

equality does not yet exist. The National Urban League’s

The next 150 years saw the rise of U.S. slavery, with

2011 Equality Index reports that Blacks’ overall equality

Black Africans being kidnapped from their own lands and

level with Whites has dropped in the past year, from 71.5%

shipped to the New World on the trans-Atlantic journey

to 71.1% in 2010. The Index, which has been published

known as the Middle Passage. Once in the Americas, the

since 2005, notes a growing trend of increased inequal-

Black population grew until U.S.-born Blacks outnum-

ity with Whites, especial y in the areas of unemployment,

bered those born in Africa. But colonial (and later, U.S.)

insurance coverage, and incarceration. Blacks also trail

slave codes declared that the child of a slave was a slave,

Whites considerably in the areas of economics, health, and

so the slave class was created. By 1808, the slave trade was

education.

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 75

To what degree do racism and prejudice contribute to

immigrants came to Hawaii to participate in the sugar

this continued inequality? The answer is complex. 2008

industry; others came to the mainland, especial y to Cal-

saw the election of this country’s first African American

ifornia. Unlike the Chinese, however, the Japanese had a

president: Barack Hussein Obama. Despite being pop-

strong government that negotiated with the U.S. govern-

ularly identified as Black, we should note that President

ment to ensure the well-being of their immigrants. Japa-

Obama is of a mixed background that is equal y White,

nese men were able to bring their wives and families to the

and although all presidents have been publicly mocked at

United States, and were thus able to produce second- and

times (Gerald Ford was depicted as a klutz, Bill Clinton as

third-generation Japanese Americans more quickly than

someone who could not control his libido), a startling per-

their Chinese counterparts.

centage of the critiques of Obama have been based on his

The most recent large-scale Asian immigration came

race. The most blatant of these was the controversy over

from Korea and Vietnam and largely took place during the

his birth certificate, where the “birther” movement ques-

second half of the twentieth century. While Korean immi-

tioned his citizenship and right to hold office. Although

gration has been fairly gradual, Vietnamese immigration

Blacks have come a long way from slavery, the echoes of

occurred primarily post-1975, after the fall of Saigon and

centuries of disempowerment are still evident.

the establishment of restrictive communist policies in

Vietnam. Whereas many Asian immigrants came to the

Asian Americans

United States to seek better economic opportunities, Viet-

Like many groups this section discusses, Asian Americans

namese immigrants came as political refugees, seeking

represent a great diversity of cultures and backgrounds. The

experience of a Japanese American whose family has been

in the United States for three generations will be drasti-

cal y different from a Laotian American who has only been

in the United States for a few years. This section primarily

discusses Chinese, Japanese, and Vietnamese immigrants

and shows the differences between their experiences. The

most recent estimate from the U.S. Census Bureau (2014)

suggest about 5.3% of the population identify themselves

as Asian.

How and Why They Came

The national and ethnic diversity of Asian American

immigration history is reflected in the variety of their

experiences in joining U.S. society. Asian immigrants have

come to the United States in waves, at different times, and

for different reasons.

The first Asian immigrants to come to the United

States in the mid-nineteenth century were Chinese. These

immigrants were primarily men whose intention was to

work for several years in order to earn incomes to support

their families in China. Their main destination was the

American West, where the Gold Rush was drawing peo-

ple with its lure of abundant money. The construction of

the Transcontinental Railroad was underway at this time,

and the Central Pacific section hired thousands of migrant

Chinese men to complete the laying of rails across the

rugged Sierra Nevada mountain range. Chinese men also

Thirty-five Vietnamese refugees wait to be taken aboard

engaged in other manual labor like mining and agricul-

the amphibious uSS Blue Ridge (lCC-19). They are being

tural work. The work was grueling and underpaid, but like

rescued from a thirty-five-foot fishing boat 350 miles

many immigrants, they persevered.

northeast of Cam Ranh Bay, Vietnam, after spending eight

Japanese immigration began in the 1880s, on the heels

days at sea. (35 Vietnamese Boat People 2 by PH2 Phil Eggman/U.S. Navy

of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. Many Japanese is in the public domain.)

76 • CHAPTER 4

asylum from harsh conditions in their homeland. The Ref-

Rican, or Cuban origin. Of the total Hispanic group, 60%

ugee Act of 1980 helped them to find a place to settle in

reported as Mexican, 44% reported as Cuban, and 9%

the United States.

reported as Puerto Rican. Remember that the U.S. Census

allows people to report as being more than one ethnicity.

History of Intergroup Relations

Not only are there wide differences among the differ-

Chinese immigration came to an abrupt end with the Chi-

ent origins that make up the Hispanic American popula-

nese Exclusion Act of 1882. This act was a result of anti-Chi-

tion, but there are also different names for the group itself.

nese sentiment burgeoned by a depressed economy and loss

The 2010 U.S. Census states that “Hispanic” or “Latino”

of jobs. White workers blamed Chinese migrants for taking

refers to a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South

jobs, and the passage of the Act meant the number of Chi-

or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin

nese workers decreased. Chinese men did not have the funds

regardless of race.” There have been some disagreements

to return to China or to bring their families to the United

over whether Hispanic or Latino is the correct term for

States, so they remained physical y and cultural y segregated

a group this diverse, and whether it would be better for

in the Chinatowns of large cities. Later legislation, the Immi-

people to refer to themselves as being of their origin spe-

gration Act of 1924, further curtailed Chinese immigra-

cifical y, for example, Mexican American or Dominican

tion. The Act included the race-based National Origins Act,

American. This section will compare the experiences of

which was aimed at keeping U.S. ethnic stock as undiluted

Mexican Americans and Cuban Americans.

as possible by reducing “undesirable” immigrants. It was not

How and Why They Came

until after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 that

Chinese immigration again increased, and many Chinese

Mexican Americans form the largest Hispanic subgroup

families were reunited.

and also the oldest. Mexican migration to the United

Although Japanese Americans have deep, long-

States started in the early 1900s in response to the need for

reaching roots in the United States, their history here has

cheap agricultural labor. Mexican migration was often cir-

not always been smooth. The California Alien Land Law

cular; workers would stay for a few years and then go back

of 1913 was aimed at them and other Asian immigrants,

to Mexico with more money than they could have made in

and it prohibited aliens from owning land. An even uglier

their country of origin. The length of Mexico’s shared bor-

action was the Japanese internment camps of World War II,

der with the United States has made immigration easier

discussed earlier as an il ustration of expulsion.

than for many other immigrant groups.

Cuban Americans are the second-largest Hispanic

Current Status

subgroup, and their history is quite different from that of

Asian Americans certainly have been subject to their share

Mexican Americans. The main wave of Cuban immigra-

of racial prejudice, despite the seemingly positive stereo-

tion to the United States started after Fidel Castro came to

type as the model minority. The model minority stereo-

power in 1959 and reached its crest with the Mariel boatlift

type is applied to a minority group that is seen as reaching

in 1980. Castro’s Cuban Revolution ushered in an era of

significant educational, professional, and socioeconomic

communism that continues to this day. To avoid having

levels without challenging the existing establishment.

their assets seized by the government, many wealthy and

This stereotype is typical y applied to Asian groups in

educated Cubans migrated north, general y to the Miami

the United States, and it can result in unrealistic expecta-

area.

tions, by putting a stigma on members of this group that

History of Intergroup Relations

do not meet the expectations. Stereotyping all Asians as

smart and capable can also lead to a lack of much-needed

For several decades, Mexican workers crossed the long

government assistance and to educational and professional

border into the United States, both legal y and illegal y, to

discrimination.

work in the fields that provided produce for the develop-

ing United States. Western growers needed a steady supply

Hispanic Americans

of labor, and the 1940s and 1950s saw the official federal

Hispanic Americans have a wide range of backgrounds

Bracero Program (bracero is Spanish for strong-arm) that

and nationalities. The segment of the U.S. population that

offered protection to Mexican guest workers. Interestingly,

self-identifies as Hispanic in 2013 was recently estimated

1954 also saw the enactment of “Operation Wetback,”

at 17.1% of the total (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Accord-

which deported thousands of illegal Mexican workers.

ing to the 2010 U.S. Census, about 75% of the respondents

From these examples, we can see the U.S. treatment of

who identify as Hispanic report being of Mexican, Puerto

immigration from Mexico has been ambivalent at best.

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 77

Sociologist Douglas Massey (2006) suggests that however, being a model minority can mask the issue of although the average standard of living than in Mexico

powerlessness that these minority groups face in U.S.

may be lower in the United States, it is not so low as to

society.

make permanent migration the goal of most Mexicans.

However, the strengthening of the border that began with

1986’s Immigration Reform and Control Act has made

■ Social Policy and Debate •

Arizona’s Senate Bill 1070

one-way migration the rule for most Mexicans. Massey

argues that the rise of illegal one-way immigration of Mex-

As both legal and illegal immigrants, and with high popu-

icans is a direct outcome of the law that was intended to

lation numbers, Mexican Americans are often the target of

reduce it.

stereotyping, racism, and discrimination. A harsh example of

Cuban Americans, perhaps because of their relative

this is in Arizona, where a stringent immigration law—known

wealth and education level at the time of immigration,

as SB 1070 (for Senate Bill 1070)—has caused a nationwide

have fared better than many immigrants. Further, because

controversy. The law requires that during a lawful stop,

they were fleeing a Communist country, they were given

detention, or arrest, Arizona police officers must establish

refugee status and offered protection and social services.

the immigration status of anyone they suspect may be here

The Cuban Migration Agreement of 1995 has curtailed

illegally. The law makes it a crime for individuals to fail to

legal immigration from Cuba, leading many Cubans to try

have documents confirming their legal status, and it gives

to immigrate illegal y by boat. According to a 2009 report

police officers the right to detain people they suspect may

from the Congressional Research Service, the U.S. govern-

be in the country illegally.

ment applies a “wet foot/dry foot” policy toward Cuban

To many, the most troublesome aspect of this law is the

immigrants; Cubans who are intercepted while still at sea

latitude it affords police officers in terms of whose citizen-

will be returned to Cuba, while those who reach the shore

ship they may question. Having “reasonable suspicion that

will be permitted to stay in the United States.

the person is an alien who is unlawfully present in the United

States” is reason enough to demand immigration papers

Current Status

(State of Arizona, 2010). Critics say this law will encourage

Mexican Americans, especial y those who are here ille-

racial profiling (the illegal practice of law enforcement using

gal y, are at the center of a national debate about immi-

race as a basis for suspecting someone of a crime), making

gration. Myers (2007) observes that no other minority it hazardous to be caught “Driving While Brown,” a takeoff group (except the Chinese) has immigrated to the United

on the legal term Driving While Intoxicated (DWI) or the slang

States in such an environment of illegality. He notes that

reference of “Driving While Black.” Driving While Brown

in some years, three times as many Mexican immigrants

refers to the likelihood of getting pulled over just for being

may have entered the United States illegal y as those who

non-White.

arrived legal y. It should be noted that this is due to enor-

SB 1070 has been the subject of many lawsuits, from

mous disparity of economic opportunity on two sides of

parties as diverse as Arizona police officers, the American

an open border, not because of any inherent inclination to

Civil Liberties Union, and even the federal government,

break laws. In his report, “Measuring Immigrant Assimi-

which is suing on the basis of Arizona contradicting federal

lation in the United States, ” Jacob Vigdor (2008) states that

Mexican immigrants experience relatively low rates of eco-

nomic and civic assimilation. He further suggests that “the

slow rates of economic and civic assimilation set Mexicans

apart from other immigrants, and may reflect the fact that

the large numbers of Mexican immigrants residing in the

United States illegal y have few opportunities to advance

themselves along these dimensions.”

By contrast, Cuban Americans are often seen as a

model minority group within the larger Hispanic group.

Many Cubans had higher socioeconomic status when they

arrived in this country, and their anti-Communist agenda

has made them welcome refugees to this country. In south

Florida, especial y, Cuban Americans are active in local

Protesters in Arizona dispute the harsh new anti-

politics and professional life. As with Asian Americans,

immigration law. (Image by prathap ramamurthy is used under CC BY 2.0.)

78 • CHAPTER 4

immigration laws (American Civil Liberties Union, 2011). The

best estimates of the U.S. Census Bureau, the Arabic pop-

the Israeli state. Disputes over these issues have involved

future of SB 1070 is uncertain, but many other states have

ulation in the United States grew from 850,000 in 1990 to

Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine.

tried or are trying to pass similar measures. Do you think

1.2 million in 2000, an increase of 0.07% (Asi & Beaulieu,

As is often the case with stereotyping and prejudice,

such measures are appropriate? ■

2013).

the actions of extremists come to define the entire group,

regardless of the fact that most U.S. citizens with ties to the

Why They Came

Middle Eastern community condemn terrorist actions, as

Arab Americans

The first Arab immigrants came to this country in the late

do most inhabitants of the Middle East. Would it be fair

If ever a category was hard to define, the various groups

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They were pre-

to judge all Catholics by the events of the Inquisition? Of

lumped under the name “Arab American” is it. After al ,

dominantly Syrian, Lebanese, and Jordanian Christians,

course, the United States was deeply affected by the events

Hispanic Americans or Asian Americans are so designated

and they came to escape persecution and to make a better

of September 11, 2001. This event has left a deep scar on

because of their counties of origin. But for Arab Ameri-

life. These early immigrants and their descendants, who

the American psyche, and it has fortified anti-Arab sen-

cans, their country of origin—Arabia—has not existed for

were more likely to think of themselves as Syrian or Leba-

timent for a large percentage of Americans. In the first

centuries. In addition, Arab Americans represent all reli-

nese than Arab, represent almost half of the Arab American

month after 9/11, hundreds of hate crimes were perpe-

gious practices, despite the stereotype that all Arabic peo-

population today (Myers, 2007). Restrictive immigration

trated against people who looked like they might be of

ple practice Islam. As Myers (2007) asserts, not all Arabs

policies from the 1920s until 1965 curtailed all immigra-

Arab descent.

are Muslim, and not all Muslims are Arab, complicating

tion, but Arab immigration since 1965 has been steady.

Current Status

the stereotype of what it means to be an Arab American.

Immigrants from this time period have been more likely

Geographical y, the Arab region comprises the Middle to be Muslim and more highly educated, escaping political Although the rate of hate crimes against Arab Americans

East and parts of northern Africa. People whose ancestry

unrest and looking for better opportunities.

has slowed, Arab Americans are still victims of racism

lies in that area or who speak primarily Arabic may con-

and prejudice. Racial profiling has proceeded against Arab

History of Intergroup Relations

sider themselves Arabs.

Americans as a matter of course since 9/11. Particularly

The U.S. Census has struggled with the issue of Arab

Relations between Arab Americans and the dominant

when engaged in air travel, being young and Arab-looking

identity. The 2010 Census, as in previous years, did not offer

majority have been marked by mistrust, misinformation,

is enough to warrant a special search or detainment. This

an “Arab” box to check under the question of race. Individ-

and deeply entrenched beliefs. Helen Samhan (2001) of

Islamophobia (irrational fear of or hatred against Muslims)

uals who want to be counted as Arabs had to check the box

the Arab American Institute suggests that Arab-Israeli

does not show signs of abating. Scholars noted that White

for “Some other race” and then write in their race. How-

conflicts in the 1970s contributed significantly to cultural

domestic terrorists like Timothy McVeigh, who detonated a

ever, when the Census data is tallied, they will be marked as

and political anti-Arab sentiment in the United States. The

bomb at an Oklahoma courthouse in 1995, have not inspired

White. This is problematic, however, denying Arab Amer-

United States has historical y supported the State of Israel,

similar racial profiling or hate crimes against Whites.

icans opportunities for federal assistance. According to the

while some Middle Eastern countries deny the existence of

White Ethnic Americans

As we have seen, there is no minority group that fits eas-

ily in a category or that can be described simply. While

sociologists believe that individual experiences can often

be understood in light of their social characteristics (such

as race, class, or gender), we must balance this perspec-

tive with awareness that no two individuals’ experiences

are alike. Making generalizations can lead to stereotypes

and prejudice. The same is true for White ethnic Ameri-

cans, who come from diverse backgrounds and have had

a great variety of experiences. According to the U.S. Cen-

sus Bureau (2014), 77.7% of U.S. adults currently identify

themselves as White alone. In this section, we will focus on

German, Irish, Italian, and Eastern European immigrants.

Why They Came

White ethnic Europeans formed the second and third

great waves of immigration, from the early nineteenth

century to the mid-twentieth century. They joined a newly

minted United States that was primarily made up of White

Protestants from England. While most immigrants came

The proposed Park51 muslim Community Center generated heated controversy due to its close proximity to Ground zero.

In these photos, people march in protest against the center, while counter-protesters demonstrate their support. (Ground Zero

searching for a better life, their experiences were not all

Mosque Protesters 10 by David Shankbone is used under CC BY 2.0; Ground Zero Mosque Supporters 2 by David Shankbone is used under CC BY 2.0.)

the same.

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 79

the Israeli state. Disputes over these issues have involved

The first major influx of European immigrants came

Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine.

from Germany and Ireland, starting in the 1820s. Ger-

As is often the case with stereotyping and prejudice,

mans came both for economic opportunity and to escape

the actions of extremists come to define the entire group,

political unrest and military conscription, especial y after

regardless of the fact that most U.S. citizens with ties to the

the Revolutions of 1848. Many German immigrants of

Middle Eastern community condemn terrorist actions, as

this period were political refugees: liberals who wanted to

do most inhabitants of the Middle East. Would it be fair

escape from an oppressive government. They were well-off

to judge all Catholics by the events of the Inquisition? Of

enough to make their way inland, and they formed heavily

course, the United States was deeply affected by the events

German enclaves in the Midwest that exist to this day.

of September 11, 2001. This event has left a deep scar on

The Irish immigrants of the same time period were

the American psyche, and it has fortified anti-Arab sen-

not always as well off financial y, especial y after the Irish

timent for a large percentage of Americans. In the first

Potato Famine of 1845. Irish immigrants settled mainly in

month after 9/11, hundreds of hate crimes were perpe-

the cities of the East Coast, where they were employed as

trated against people who looked like they might be of

laborers and where they faced significant discrimination.

Arab descent.

German and Irish immigration continued into the late

19th century and earlier 20th century, at which point the

Current Status

numbers for Southern and Eastern European immigrants

Although the rate of hate crimes against Arab Americans

started growing as wel . Italians, mainly from the South-

has slowed, Arab Americans are still victims of racism ern part of the country, began arriving in large numbers and prejudice. Racial profiling has proceeded against Arab

in the 1890s. Eastern European immigrants—people from

Americans as a matter of course since 9/11. Particularly

Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Austria-Hungary—started

when engaged in air travel, being young and Arab-looking

arriving around the same time. Many of these Eastern

is enough to warrant a special search or detainment. This

Europeans were peasants forced into a hardscrabble exis-

Islamophobia (irrational fear of or hatred against Muslims)

tence in their native lands; political unrest, land shortages,

does not show signs of abating. Scholars noted that White

and crop failures drove them to seek better opportunities in

domestic terrorists like Timothy McVeigh, who detonated a

the United States. The Eastern European immigration wave

bomb at an Oklahoma courthouse in 1995, have not inspired

also included Jewish people escaping pogroms (anti-Jewish

similar racial profiling or hate crimes against Whites.

massacres) of Eastern Europe and the Pale of Settlement in

what was then Poland and Russia.

White Ethnic Americans

History of Intergroup Relations

As we have seen, there is no minority group that fits eas-

ily in a category or that can be described simply. While

In a broad sense, German immigrants were not victim-

sociologists believe that individual experiences can often

ized to the same degree as many of the other subordinate

be understood in light of their social characteristics (such

groups this section discusses. While they may not have

as race, class, or gender), we must balance this perspec-

been welcomed with open arms, they were able to settle

tive with awareness that no two individuals’ experiences

in enclaves and establish roots. A notable exception to this

are alike. Making generalizations can lead to stereotypes

was during the lead up to World War I and through World

and prejudice. The same is true for White ethnic Ameri-

War II, when anti-German sentiment was virulent.

cans, who come from diverse backgrounds and have had

Irish immigrants, many of whom were very poor, were

a great variety of experiences. According to the U.S. Cen-

more of an underclass than the Germans. In Ireland, the

sus Bureau (2014), 77.7% of U.S. adults currently identify

English had oppressed the Irish for centuries, eradicat-

themselves as White alone. In this section, we will focus on

ing their language and culture and discriminating against

German, Irish, Italian, and Eastern European immigrants.

their religion (Catholicism). Although the Irish had a

larger population than the English, they were a subor-

Why They Came

dinate group. This dynamic reached into the new world,

White ethnic Europeans formed the second and third where Anglo Americans saw Irish immigrants as a race great waves of immigration, from the early nineteenth apart: dirty, lacking ambition, and suitable for only the century to the mid-twentieth century. They joined a newly

most menial jobs. In fact, Irish immigrants were subject

minted United States that was primarily made up of White

to criticism identical to that with which the dominant

Protestants from England. While most immigrants came

group characterized African Americans. By necessity, Irish

The proposed Park51 muslim Community Center generated heated controversy due to its close proximity to Ground zero.

In these photos, people march in protest against the center, while counter-protesters demonstrate their support. (Ground Zero

searching for a better life, their experiences were not all

immigrants formed tight communities segregated from

Mosque Protesters 10 by David Shankbone is used under CC BY 2.0; Ground Zero Mosque Supporters 2 by David Shankbone is used under CC BY 2.0.)

the same.

their Anglo neighbors (Greeley, 1972).

80 • CHAPTER 4

The later wave of immigrants from Southern and East-

group in the country. For many years, German Americans

ern Europe was also subject to intense discrimination endeavored to maintain a strong cultural identity, but they and prejudice. In particular, the dominant group—which

are now cultural y assimilated into the dominant culture.

now included second- and third-generation Germans and

There are now more Irish Americans in the United

Irish—saw Italian immigrants as the dregs of Europe and

States than there are Irish in Ireland. One of the coun-

worried about the purity of the American race (Myers,

try’s largest cultural groups, Irish Americans have slowly

2007). Italian immigrants lived in segregated slums in achieved acceptance and assimilation into the dominant Northeastern cities, and in some cases were even victims

group.

of violence and lynchings similar to what African Ameri-

Myers (2007) states that Italian Americans’ cultural

cans endured. They worked harder and were paid less than

assimilation is “almost complete, but with remnants of

other workers, often doing the dangerous work that other

ethnicity.” The presence of “Little Italy” neighborhoods—

laborers were reluctant to take on.

original y segregated slums where Italians congregated in

the nineteenth century—exist today. While tourists flock

Current Status

to the saints’ festivals in Little Italies, most Italian Ameri-

The U.S. Census from 2008 shows that 16.5% of respon-

cans have moved to the suburbs at the same rate as other

dents reported being of German descent: the largest White groups.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

• Race is fundamentally a social construct. Ethnicity is a term that

• Intergroup relations range from a tolerant approach of pluralism

describes shared culture and national origin. Minority groups

to intolerance as severe as genocide. In pluralism, groups retain

are defined by their lack of power.

their own identity. In assimilation, groups conform to the iden-

• Stereotypes are oversimplified ideas about groups of people.

tity of the dominant group. In amalgamation, groups combine to

Prejudice refers to thoughts and feelings, while discrimination

form a new group identity.

refers to actions. Racism refers to the belief that one race is

• The history of the U.S. people contains an infinite variety of

inherently superior or inferior to other races.

experiences that sociologist understand follow patterns. From

• Functionalist views of race study the role dominant and subordi-

the indigenous people who first inhabited these lands to the

nate groups play to create a stable social structure. Conflict

waves of immigrants over the past 500 years, migration is an

theorists examine power disparities and struggles between

experience with many shared characteristics. Most groups have

various racial and ethnic groups. Interactionists see race and

experienced various degrees of prejudice and discrimination as

ethnicity as important sources of individual identity and social

they have gone through the process of assimilation.

symbolism. The concept of culture of prejudice recognizes that

all people are subject to stereotypes that are ingrained in their

culture.

EXERCISES

1. Why do you think the term minority has persisted when the

6. What is the worst example of culture of prejudice you can think

word subordinate is more descriptive?

of? What are your reasons for thinking it is the worst?

2. How do you describe your ethnicity? Do you include your

7. Do you believe immigration laws should foster an approach of

family’s country of origin? Do you consider yourself multiethnic?

pluralism, assimilation, or amalgamation? Which perspective

How does your ethnicity compare to that of the people you

do you think is most supported by current U.S. immigration

spend most of your time with?

policies?

3. How do redlining and racial steering contribute to institutional-

8. Which intergroup relation do you think is the most beneficial to

ized racism?

the subordinate group? To society as a whole? Why?

4. Give an example of stereotyping that you see in everyday life.

9. In your opinion, which group had the easiest time coming to this

Explain what would need to happen for this to be eliminated.

country? Which group had the hardest time? Why?

5. Give three examples of White privilege. Do you know people

10. Which group has made the most socioeconomic gains? Why do

who have experienced this? From what perspective?

you think that group has had more success than others?

InTRoduCTIon To RACE And ETHnICITy • 81

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CHAPTER 5

Contents

The Impacts of Social Class

CHAPTER 5

The Impacts of Social Class 83

SOURCE

lumencandela. (n.d.). The impacts of social class. In Boundless sociology. Lumen Learning. https://courses.lumenlearning.

com/boundless-sociology/chapter/the-impacts-of-social-class/

PHYSICAL HEALTH 84

(Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

MENTAL HEALTH

85

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. Describe how socioeconomic status relates to the distribution

5. Discuss three factors contributing to educational inequality.

of social opportunities and resources.

FAMILY LIFE 85

6. Explain how social class relates to religious affiliation, denomi-

2. Describe how a low socioeconomic status can impact the health

nation, and religiosity.

status of individuals.

EDUCATION 86

7. Evaluate how social class impacts political participation and

3. Define mental health and explain why it is regarded as a

political influence.

socially constructed concept.

8. Describe how the administration of punishment has changed

RELIGION 87

4. Give examples of effects of social class on marriage, birth rates,

throughout history.

and family composition.

POLITICS 88

KEY TERMS

CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE 88

adjudication

hierarchy

political participation

birth rate

law enforcement

private schools

REFERENCES 90

courts

legacy student

religiosity

educational attainment

mental disorder

religious affiliation

environmental hazards

mental health

social determinants of health

family life

overpopulation

socioeconomic status

health inequality

political influence

In the United States, a person’s social class has far-reach- by their income, wealth, occupational prestige, and educa-ing consequences. Social class refers to the the grouping

tional attainment.

of individuals in a stratified hierarchy based on wealth,

While social class may be an amorphous and diffuse

income, education, occupation, and social network concept, with scholars disagreeing over its definition, (though other factors are sometimes considered) (“Hier-

tangible advantages are associated with high socioeco-

archy,” 2019). One’s position in the social class hierarchy

nomic status. People in the highest SES bracket, gen-

may impact, for example, health, family life, education,

eral y referred to as the upper class, likely have better

religious affiliation, political participation, and experience

access to healthcare, marry people of higher social status,

with the criminal justice system.

attend more prestigious schools, and are more influen-

Social class in the United States is a controversial issue,

tial in politics than people in the middle class or work-

with social scientists disagreeing over models, definitions,

ing class. People in the upper class are members of elite

and even the basic question of whether or not distinct

social networks, effectively meaning that they have access

classes exist. Many Americans believe in a simple three-

to people in powerful positions who have specialized

class model that includes the rich or upper class, the mid-

knowledge. These social networks confer benefits ranging

dle class, and the poor or working class (“Social Class,”

from advantages in seeking education and employment

2020). More complex models that have been proposed by

to leniency by police and the courts. Sociologists may

social scientists describe as many as a dozen class levels.

dispute exactly how to model the distinctions between

Regardless of which model of social classes used, it is clear

socioeconomic statuses, but the higher up the class hier-

that socioeconomic status (SES) is tied to particular oppor-

archy one is in America, the better health, educational,

tunities and resources. Socioeconomic status refers to a

and professional outcomes one is likely to have (“Social

person’s position in the social hierarchy and is determined

Class,” 2020).

83

84 • CHAPTER 5

PHYSICAL HEALTH

A person’s social class has a significant impact on their

physical health, their ability to receive adequate medical

care and nutrition, and their life expectancy. While gen-

der and race play significant roles in explaining healthcare

inequality in the United States, SES is the greatest social

determinant of an individual’s health outcome. Social

determinants of health are the economic and social con-

ditions that influence individual and group differences

in health status. Social determinants are environmental,

meaning that they are risk factors found in one’s living and

working conditions (including the distribution of income,

wealth, influence, and power), rather than individual fac-

tors (such as behavioral risk factors or genetics). Social

determinants can be used to predict one’s risk of contract-

Farmers markets are visible sources of fresh produce and

ing a disease or sustaining an injury, and can also indicate

healthy foods. These markets are concentrated in middle

to upper income neighborhoods and are not found in

how vulnerable one is to the consequences of a disease or

food deserts. (SOJ Farmers Market by AuthenticEccentric is used under

injury (“Social Determinants of Health,” 2019). Individ-

Health Insurance Status (Under 65 Years of Age)

CC BY-SA 2.0.)

uals of lower socioeconomic status have lower levels of

Source: U.S. Census Bureau. Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance

Coverage in the United States, 2007

overall health, less insurance coverage, and less access to

Employer-sponsored

Not insured (16%)

adequate healthcare than those of higher SES (Figure 5.1).

health insurance (59%)

Medicare (3%)

Individuals with a low SES in the United States expe-

Non-group health

Medicaid (13%)

insurance (6%)

rience a wide array of health problems as a result of their

Military health care (3%)

economic position (“Health Equity,” 2020). They are

unable to use healthcare as often as people of higher status

and when they do, it is often of lower quality. Addition-

al y, people with low SES tend to experience a much higher

rate of health issues than those of high SES (“Social Class,”

2020). Many social scientists hypothesize that the higher

rate of illness among those with low SES can be attributed

to environmental hazards. For example, poorer neighbor-

hoods tend to have fewer grocery stores and more fast food

chains than wealthier neighborhoods, increasing nutrition

problems and the risk of conditions, such as heart disease

(“Health Equity,” 2020). Similarly, poorer neighborhoods

tend to have fewer recreational facilities and higher crime

rates than wealthier ones, which decreases the feasibility of

routine exercise.

In addition to having an increased level of illness,

FIGURE 5.1 Health insurance distribution (under 65

lower socioeconomic classes have lower levels of health

years). As seen in this graph, with insurance needed

insurance than the upper class. Much of this disparity can

for most health services, access to healthcare is not

be explained by the tendency for middle and upper class

evenly distributed among Americans. The largest group

of insured Americans consists of middle and upper

people to work in professions that provide health insur-

class employees who receive health insurance through

ance benefits to employees, while lower status occupations

employers. As of 2007, 16% of the population had no

often do not provide benefits to employees. For many

health insurance coverage and, thus, had greatly limited

employees who do not have health insurance benefits

access to healthcare. (This work, Health Insurance Status 2007, is

through their job, the cost of insurance can be prohibi-

a derivative of U.S. Health Insurance Status - Under 65 yrs by White House

tive. Without insurance, or with inadequate insurance, the

Council of Economic Advisors/Wikimedia Commons, which resides in the public

domain. Health Insurance Status 2007 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 by

cost of healthcare can be extremely high. Consequently,

Judy Schmitt.)

many uninsured or poorly insured individuals do not

THE ImPACTS oF SoCIAl ClASS • 85

have access to preventative care or quality treatment. This

group of people has higher rates of infant mortality, can-

cer, cardiovascular disease, and disabling physical injuries

than are seen among the well insured (“Health Care in the

United States,” 2020).

Health inequality refers to the unequal distribution of

environmental health hazards and access to health services

between demographic groups, including social classes.

For example, poor and affluent urban communities in the

United States are geographical y close to each other and

to hospitals. Stil , the affluent communities are more likely

to have access to fresh produce, recreational facilities for

exercise, preventative healthcare programs, and routine

To say that mental health is socially constructed means

medical visits. Consequently, affluent communities are that its definition and criteria can change across time likely to have better health outcomes than nearby impov-and culture. This 1857 lithograph illustrates the eight

erished ones. The role of socioeconomic status in deter-

mental health disorders that were thought to be

prominent in England during the early-19th century:

mining access to healthcare results in heath inequality dementia, megalomania, acute mania, melancholia, idiocy, between the upper, middle, and lower or working classes,

hallucination, erotic mania, and paralysis. Since 1857,

with the higher classes having more positive health out-

many of those disorders have been erased from medical

comes (“Health Equity,” 2020).

textbooks or modified in light of changing social norms.

(Gautier - Salpetriere by Armand Gautier is in the public domain.) MENTAL HEALTH

Mental health describes a level of psychological well-being

social classes have different levels of access to mental

or the presence/absence of a mental disorder (“Mental

health interventions and to information about mental

Health,” 2018). From the perspective of “positive psychol-

health. Thus, the diagnosis and treatment of mental disor-

ogy” or “holism,” mental health may include an individual’s

ders varies widely by social class.

ability to enjoy life and to demonstrate psychological resil-

ience when confronted with challenges. The World Health

FAMILY LIFE

Organization defines mental health as “a state of well-be-

Family life—marriage and childbearing patterns, house-

ing in which the individual realizes his or her own abilities,

hold composition, and home stability—are strongly influ-

can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work produc-

enced by social class (“Introduction to Sociology/Family,”

tively and fruitful y, and is able to make a contribution to

2017). In the United States, the probability of a first marriage

his or her community” (“Mental Health,” 2020).

ending is substantial y higher for couples with low socioeco-

What counts as healthy enjoyment and resilience nomic statuses than for those in the middle or upper class depends upon one’s class perspective. Members of different

(Figure 5.2). Research shows that the higher rates of divorce

classes encounter different stressors—lower class people

for individuals in lower social classes can often be attributed

likely face more financial stress as it pertains to day-to-day

to the greater financial stress these couples face, though fac-

sustenance and well-being, while upper class people might

tors like class expectations can also play a role.

experience stress from the intense social pressures asso-

Global y, the birth rate in countries with large impov-

ciated with elite circles. The evaluation of which mental

erished populations is much higher than in wealthier

states can be considered healthy and which require medi-

countries, indicating that income and wealth play a role in

cal intervention also varies by class.

shaping family structures. Demographers have identified

Mental health is a social y constructed and social y

a direct relationship between average number of children

defined concept; different societies, groups, cultures, per household and the economic development of a nation.

institutions, and professions have very different ways of

Today, less developed countries struggle with overpopula-

conceptualizing its nature and causes, determining what

tion while many governments in developed countries are

is mental y healthy, and deciding what interventions are

instituting policies to deal with low birth rates. In nations

appropriate. Definitions of mental health depend on cul-

with high levels of fertility, upper class individuals tend to

tural understandings in addition to biological and neuro-

have more children than their lower class peers. In nations

logical findings. Members of different social classes often

with low levels of fertility, upper class families exhibit even

hold different views on mental health. Similarly, different

lower fertility than average (“Birth Rate,” 2020).

Probability of first-marriage dissolution within 10 years according to

race/ethnicity and median family income, 1995

86 •

source: Department of Health and Human Services

CHAPTER 5

60%

56

50%

44

43

40%

38

39

Low income

33

31

33

33

Medium income

30%

26

High income

23

23

20%

10%

0%

All races

Hispanic

Non-Hispanic

Non-Hispanic

white

black

FIGURE 5.2 Probability of first marriage dissolution by race/ethnicity and income (1995). This graph shows that among all races and ethnicities, low income households are more likely to experience divorce than

middle and high income households are. Thus, social class bears on rates of marriage dissolution. (First-

Marriage Dissolution by Race and Income 1995 by Judy Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.)

Social class has both a cause and an effect relationship

benefit from such higher education are more likely to land

with family composition (“Introduction to Sociology/

prestigious jobs, and in turn, higher salaries. Just as educa-

Family,” 2017). For example, single-parent households tion and social class are closely intertwined, stratification in are likely to have a lower social class because they violate

education contributes to stratification in social class.

social norms. At the same time, single-parent families can

Educational attainment refers to the level of school-

contribute to financial and social instability. A single par-

ing a person completes—for instance, high school, some

ent will often face higher costs (in the form of paid child-

college, college, or a graduate degree. Upper class individ-

care), lower earnings (loss of the second parent’s income or

uals are likely to attend schools of higher quality and of

loss of time spent at work), or both.

greater prestige than those attended by their lower class

counterparts (“Educational Attainment in the United

EDUCATION

States,” 2020). Because members of high social classes tend

Education is a major component of social class, both directly

to be better educated and have higher incomes, they are

and indirectly. Directly, individuals from higher social classes

able to offer greater educational advantages, such as pri-

are more likely to have the means to attend more prestigious

vate schooling, to their children as well (Figure 5.3).

schools, and are therefore more likely to receive higher edu-

Upper-class parents are better able to send their chil-

cations (“Social Class,” 2020). Indirectly, individuals who dren not only to exclusive private schools, but also to Median household income in 2003 (in U.S. dollars) according to educational attainment

$120,000

Overall

$100,000

9th grade or less

No high school

$80,000

High school

Some college

$60,000

Associate’s

$40,000

Bachelor’s

Master’s

$20,000

Professional

PhD

$0 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

FIGURE 5.3 Educational attainment and income (1991–2003). Households with higher educational attainment are likely to have higher incomes than those with low educational attainment; members of the lowest income bracket tend to have no more than a high school education, while the highest income bracket members tend to hold graduate degrees. (This work, Household Income by Education 2003, is a derivative of Income Education 91 to 03 by BrendelSignature, which is used

under CC BY-SA 3.0. Household Income by Education 2003 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.) THE ImPACTS oF SoCIAl ClASS • 87

public state-funded schools. Such schools are likely to be

Presbyterians and Episcopalians (two highly formal Protes-

of higher quality in affluent areas than in impoverished

tant denominations), tend to have above average socioeco-

ones, since they are funded by property taxes within the

nomic statuses. Methodists and Lutherans (two moderately

school district. Wealthy areas will provide more property

formal Protestant denominations) tend to have about aver-

taxes as revenue, which leads to higher quality schools.

age SES. Baptists and members of Protestant fundamental-

Educational inequality is one factor that perpetuates the

ist sects (which tend to be decentralized and informal) have

class divide across generations.

below average SES (“Introduction to Sociology/Religion,”

Such educational inequality is further reinforced by

2018). Variations in SES across denomination reveal a cor-

legacy student admission, the preference given by educa-

relation between religious affiliation and social class.

tional institutions to applicants who are related to alumni

Social class is not significantly correlated to religiosity,

of that institution (“Legacy Preferences,” 2020). Germane

an index of how strongly religious a person is. Religiosity

to university and college admissions (particularly in the

is measured by tracking frequency of church attendance,

United States), this practice emerged after World War I,

church group involvement, frequency of prayer, and other

primarily in response to the resulting immigrant influx.

such markers of strength of religious practice. Members of

Ivy League institutions admit roughly 10% to 30% of stu-

each social class show a range of religiosity.

dents from each incoming class based on this factor.

On the other hand, income, and therefore social class,

is related to an individual’s denomination. When one looks

RELIGION

at average income by religion, there are clear differences.

Social class, measured by socioeconomic status, is associ-

The highest-earning religion on average is Judaism, with

ated with individuals’ religious affiliations and practices.

an average income of $72,000 in 2000 (Figure 5.4). This is

Religious affiliation has more to do with how religion is

dramatical y higher than average; the next highest-earn-

practiced rather than degree of religiosity (“Introduction

ing denomination is Unitarianism at $56,000. Jehovah’s

to Sociology/Religion,” 2018). Members of lower classes

Witness, Church of God, and Seventh Day Adventists are

tend to be affiliated with more fundamentalist religions

at the bottom of the income distribution, with $24,000,

a Median annual household income in 2000 (in U

nd sect-like groups. Members of the middle class tend to

$26,000, and $31,000, respec

.S. dollars) according to religious grou ti

p vely (“Introduction to

besource: K

long t osmin, B. A., & K

o more forma eysar

l ch , A. (2006).

urches. Fo R

r eligion in a free mark

example, Americ et

an. P

Sociology/R

aramount Mark eligion,” 2018

et Publishing, Inc. ).

Jehovah’s Witness

$24,000

Church of God

$26,000

Seventh-day Adventist

$31,000

Pentecostal

$31,000

Muslim

$31,000

Baptist

$33,000

Churches of Christ

$34,000

Assemblies of God

$38,000

Buddhist

$38,000

Mormon

$40,000

United Church of Christ

$41,000

US average

$42,000

Non-denominational

$43,000

None/no religion

$46,000

Christian (unspecified)

$47,000

Catholic

$47,000

Protestant (unspecified)

$48,000

Methodist

$48,000

Lutheran

$49,000

Presbyterian

$50,000

Hindu

$51,000

Evangelical/Born Again

$54,000

Episcopalian

$55,000

Unitarian

$58,000

Jewish

$72,000

$0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

$50,000

$60,000

$70,000

$80,000

FIGURE 5.4 Religious affiliation by median household income (2000). Household income, an indicator of social class, can also indicate what religious denomination a person is likely to embrace. America’s top income bracket is more likely than other groups to be Jewish, while the lowest bracket is more likely to be Jehovah’s Witnesses. (This work, Household Income by Religion 2000, is a derivative of Income Ranking by Religious Group - 2000 by Rcragun/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY 3.0. Household Income

by Religion 2000 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

88 • CHAPTER 5

Religion is also linked with education. 72% of Uni-

from Harvard and Yale, respectively (“Introduction to

tarian and 67% of Hindu adherents are college graduates,

Sociology/Politics,” 2017).

while only 12% of Jehovah’s Witness and 15% of Church

Those who vote as members of a social class can be said

of God members graduated from college (“Introduction to

to be participating in identity politics. Identity politics is a

Sociology/Religion,” 2018).

phenomenon that arose first at the radical margins of lib-

eral democratic societies in which human rights are recog-

POLITICS

nized, and the term is not usual y used to refer to dissident

Social class impacts one’s level of political participation

movements within single-party or authoritarian states.

and political influence. Political participation refers to

Some groups have combined identity politics and Marxist

whether or not a person votes in elections, donates to

social class analysis and class consciousness. During the

campaigns, or attends public forums where decisions are

1980s, the politics of identity became very prominent and

made, such as town meetings or city council meetings, for

was linked with new social movement activism (“Identity

example. Political influence refers to the extent to which

Politics,” 2020).

one’s political participation achieves its desired results. For

example, if one attends a public forum, is their opinion

CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE

likely to be heard, or if they donate money, is a politician

Criminal justice is the system of practices and government

likely to support their desired policy?

institutions directed at upholding social control, deterring,

Wealthy, well-educated Americans are more likely to

and mitigating crime, or sanctioning those who violate

vote and to donate money to politicians than lower class

laws with criminal penalties and rehabilitation efforts. The

individuals (Figure 5.5). This trend means that middle and

American criminal justice system consists of three main

upper class individuals have greater political participation

parts: (1) enforcement; (2) adjudication; and (3) correc-

and greater political influence than those in lower posi-

tions. These distinct agencies are the principal means of

tions. Additional y, higher status people are more likely to

maintaining the rule of law within society (“Criminal Jus-

hold political positions than lower class people. An il us-

tice,” 2020).

tration of this is the presidential election between George

The first contact an offender has with the criminal jus-

W. Bush and John Kerry in 2004. Both had millions of dol-

tice system is usual y with law enforcement, most often

Voter turnout by educational attainment, 2008 U.S. Presidential Election

lars of accumulated wealth, and they had higher degrees

the police who investigate a suspected violation and make

source: U.S. Census Bureau

80%

76.2

71.8

70%

65.0

60%

58.2

50.9

50%

40%

33.7

30%

23.4

20%

10%

0%

Total

Less than

9th to

High

Some college Bachelor’s

Advanced

9th grade

12th grade,

school

or associate’s

degree

degree

no diploma

graduate

degree

FIGURE 5.5 Percentage of voter turnout by educational attainment (2008 presidential election). Educational attainment, an indicator of social class, can predict one’s level of political participation. Those with high educational attainment are more likely to vote in elections than those with little education. (This work, Voter Turnout by Education 2008, is a derivative of Voter Turnout by

Educational Attainment, 2008 US Presidential Election by Rcragun/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY 3.0. Voter Turnout by Education 2008 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

THE ImPACTS oF SoCIAl ClASS • 89

Police officers are the most visible members of the law

enforcement branch of the criminal justice system and

are charged with maintaining social order by arresting

The criminal justice system includes adjudication, wherein

offenders who violate the law. (OTB St. Louis-274 by Shane McCoy/

the courts legally process suspects to determine their guilt

Office of Public Affairs/U.S. Marshals Service is used under CC BY 2.0.) or innocence and sentencing. (Dred Scott Courtroom by stepnout is

used under CC BY 2.0.)

an arrest. Next, the courts carry out adjudication or the

primarily to sequester criminals and little thought was

legal processing of offenders to determine their guilt or

given to living conditions within their wal s. In America,

innocence and sentencing. The courts serve as the venue

the Quaker movement is commonly credited with estab-

where disputes are settled and justice is administered. lishing the idea that prisons should be used to reform Depending on the offense, either a judge or a jury deter-criminals. This can also be seen as a critical moment in the

mines whether the suspect violated the law and what their

debate regarding the purpose of punishment (“Criminal

punitive sentence will be. If found guilty by the court,

Justice,” 2020).

offenders are then turned over to correctional authorities.

In the United States, criminal justice policy has been

Correctional authorities may include prison wardens or

guided by the 1967 President’s Commission on Law

social workers, depending on the type of offense (“Crimi-

Enforcement and Administration of Justice, which issued

nal Justice,” 2020).

a ground-breaking report titled The Chal enge of Crime in

Like all other aspects of criminal justice, the admin-

a Free Society. This report made more than 200 recommen-

istration of punishment has taken many different forms

dations as part of a comprehensive approach toward crime

throughout history. Early on, when civilizations lacked

prevention. Some of those recommendations found their

the resources necessary to construct and maintain pris-

way into the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act

ons, exile and execution were the primary forms of pun-

of 1968. The commission advocated a “systems” approach

ishment. Historical y, shame punishments have also been

to criminal justice, with improved coordination among law

used as forms of censure (“Criminal Justice,” 2020).

enforcement, courts, and correctional agencies. The com-

The most publicly visible form of punishment in the

mission defined the criminal justice system as the means

modern era is the prison. Prisons may serve as detention

for society to “enforce the standards of conduct necessary

centers for prisoners after trial. Jails are used for contain-

to protect individuals and the community” (President’s

ment of the accused before trial. Early prisons were used

Commission, 1967, p. 7).

KEY TAKEAWAYS

• While sociologists debate exactly how social classes are

• Many Americans believe in a simple three-class model that

divided, there is substantial evidence that socioeconomic status

includes the rich or upper class, the middle class, and the poor

is tied to tangible advantages and outcomes.

or working class.

• Social class in the United States is a controversial issue, with

• Social class is correlated to environmental hazards that increase

social scientists disagreeing over models, definitions, and even

one’s risk of contracting a disease or sustaining an injury; low

the basic question of whether or not distinct classes exist.

access to fresh produce, exercise facilities, and preventative

90 • CHAPTER 5

health programs are all environmental hazards that negatively

• Educational inequality is also perpetuated by legacy admission.

impact health outcomes.

• Because members of high social classes tend to be better edu-

• Health inequality refers to the unequal distribution of environmen-

cated and have higher incomes, they are more able to provide

tal hazards and access to health services between demographic

educational advantages to their children as well.

groups, including social classes, as well as to the disparate health

• Educational inequality is one factor that perpetuates the class

outcomes experienced by these groups.

divide across generations.

• In addition to environmental hazards, lower socioeconomic

• Social class is an indicator of religious affiliation, with upper

classes have lower levels of health insurance than the upper

class members concentrated in formal denominations and

class. Much of this disparity can be explained by the ten-

lower class members concentrated in informal denominations.

dency for lower status occupations to not provide benefits to

• Social class is not an indicator of religiosity; members of each

employees.

social class practice their faiths with a range of intensities.

• Mental health describes a person’s level of psychological

• Income, and therefore social class, is related to an individu-

well-being, or the presence/absence of mental disorder. Mental

al’s denomination. Religion is also strongly linked to level of

health can include one’s ability to enjoy life and demonstrate

education.

psychological resilience.

• Political office holders tend to be of high socioeconomic status,

• Mental health is socially constructed and defined; it is

furthering the impact of class on American politics.

determined by both scientific and cultural knowledge, and it

is understood differently by various groups, institutions, and

• Wealthy, well-educated Americans are more likely to vote and

professions.

to donate money to politicians than lower class individuals are.

• The evaluation of which mental states can be considered

• Those who vote as members of a social class can be said to be

healthy and which require medical intervention also varies by

participating in identity politics.

class.

• When a person is suspected of violating a law, they are pro-

• In the United States, the probability of a first marriage ending is

cessed through the criminal justice system.

substantially higher for couples with low socioeconomic statuses

• The criminal justice system includes law enforcement (such as

than for those in the middle or upper class.

police or sheriffs), the courts, and corrections authorities (such

• Globally, the birth rate in countries with large impoverished

as prison wardens and social workers).

populations is much higher than in wealthier countries.

• Legislation can attempt to refocus and restructure the criminal

• In nations with high levels of fertility, upper class individuals

justice system in the United States, as when the 1967 Presi-

tend to have more children than their lower class peers, while

dent’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration

in nations with low levels of fertility, upper class families exhibit

of Justice issued recommendations to improve the efficacy of

even lower fertility than average.

criminal justice.

• Social class has both a cause and an effect relationship with

• These reforms reflected a change in the purpose of the criminal

family composition, and lower social class is often correlated

justice system. Historically, it had been used as a way to deter

with one-parent households.

crime and punish criminals, but it now has the added goal of

rehabilitating offenders.

• Those in high social classes are likely to have greater educa-

tional attainment than those in low social classes.

REFERENCES

Birth rate. (2020, January 29). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/

Hierarchy. (2019, September 29). In Wiktionary. https://en.wiktionary.

index.php?title=Birth_rate&oldid=938230085

org/w/index.php?title=hierarchy&oldid=54378944

Criminal justice. (2020, January 9). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.

Identity politics. (2020, February 17). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.

org/w/index.php?title=Criminal_justice&oldid=934990442

org/w/index.php?title=Identity_politics&oldid=941294253

Educational attainment in the United States. (2020, January 29). In

Introduction to sociology/family. (2017, August 16). In Wikibooks. https://

Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Educational_

en.wikibooks.org/w/index.php?title=Introduction_to_Sociology/

attainment_in_the_United_States&oldid=938187143

Family&oldid=3269745

Health care in the United States. (2020, February 9). In Wikipedia. https://

Introduction to sociology/politics. (2017, August 6). In Wikibooks. https://

en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Health_care_in_the_United_

en.wikibooks.org/w/index.php?title=Introduction_to_Sociology/

States&oldid=939993144

Politics&oldid=3259674

Health equity. (2020, February 17). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.

Introduction to sociology/religion. (2018, July 14). In Wikibooks. https://

org/w/index.php?title=Health_equity&oldid=941219790

en.wikibooks.org/w/index.php?title=Introduction_to_Sociology/

Religion&oldid=3442359

THE ImPACTS oF SoCIAl ClASS • 91

Legacy preferences. (2020, February 17). In Wikipedia. https://en.

Social class. (2020, February 9). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/

wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Legacy_preferences&oldid=

index.php?title=Social_class&oldid=939931063#Consequences_

941192697

of_class_position

Mental health. (2018, October 28). In Wiktionary. https://en.wiktionary.

Social determinants of health. (2019, December 14). In Wikipedia. https://

org/w/index.php?title=mental_health&oldid=50594437

en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Social_determinants_of_

Mental health. (2020, February 10). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.

health&oldid=930655316

org/w/index.php?title=Mental_health&oldid=940015217

President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of

Justice. (1967). The challenge of crime in a free society: A report. U.S.

Government Printing Office. https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/42.pdf

CHAPTER 6

Contents

Gender and Gender Inequality

CHAPTER 6

Gender and Gender Inequality 92

SOURCE

Gender and gender inequality. (2016). In Sociology: Understanding and changing the social world. University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. This edition adapted from a work originally produced in 2010 by a publisher who has

UNDERSTANDING SEX AND GENDER

93

requested that it not receive attribution. Retrieved February 18, 2020, from https://open.lib.umn.edu/sociology/part/

chapter-11-gender-and-gender-inequality/

Gender as a Social Construction

93

(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

Sexual Orientation

94

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. Define sex and gender and femininity and masculinity.

3. Discuss agents of gender socialization.

The Development of Gender Differences

94

2. Critically assess the evidence on biology, culture and socializa-

tion, and gender.

Biology and Gender 95

KEY TERMS

Culture and Gender 97

androgynous

gender roles

secondary sex characteristics

femininity

masculinity

sex

Socialization and Gender

98

gender

non-binary

sexual orientation

gender identity

primary sex characteristics

A Final Word on the Sources of Gender

101

REFERENCES 102

he advised her, should just become wives and mothers and

■ Social Issues in the News

leave the doctoring to men.

September 2009 was Rape Awareness Month at the Univer-

At the same college and about the same time, John (also

sity of Missouri–Columbia. The coordinator of the Relation-

a pseudonym) went to talk to a draft counselor for advice

ship & Sexual Violence Prevention Center (RSVP), the group

as he considered his options, including military service in

sponsoring the month-long series of events, said they chose

Vietnam. John said he had something very embarrassing

September because of the high rates of sexual violence

to say and hesitated a long time before speaking. Final y

committed against new women students during the first few

John explained, as if revealing a deep secret, that he had

weeks of the semester. As on many campuses around the

never liked to fight, not even as a young boy, and wondered

country since the late 1970s, a Take Back the Night march

aloud if there was something wrong with him. It was not

and rally was the highlight of RSVP’s effort to call attention to

that he was scared to fight, he assured the draft counselor,

violence against women. An RSVP staff member explained

it was that he thought fighting was wrong, even though

that Take Back the Night marches began when women

his friends had sometimes called him a “sissy” and other

decided, “No, we’re not going to live in fear, we’re not going

words for refusing to fight. John was advised that he might

to stay inside, these are our streets. This is our community;

qualify as a conscientious objector and was informed

we’re not going to be frightened.” At her own campus, she

about that and his other alternatives to being drafted. He

said, “It’s women getting together and saying, ‘You know

left the room, and the draft counselor never saw him again.

what, these are our lives. We own these streets just like any-

Much has changed during the almost four decades

one else, we walk these streets just like anyone else.’ It’s

since these two real-life stories occurred and since Take

a very empowering kind of event and evening” (Silverman,

Back the Night marches began. Women have entered med-

2009). ■

icine, engineering, and other professions and careers in

unprecedented numbers, no doubt dismaying the biology

I

professor who thought them best suited as wives and moth-

t was the early 1970s. Susan (a pseudonym), a sophomore

ers. Many men have begun to realize that “real men” do

college student, wanted to become a physician, so she

not necessarily have to enjoy fighting and other tradition-

went to talk to her biology professor about the pre-med

al y male behaviors and attitudes. Our society now has an

program at her school. The professor belittled her interest

awareness of rape and other violence against women that

in medicine and refused to discuss the program. Women,

would astonish students of the 1970s. Stil , gender roles

92

GEndER And GEndER InEquAlITy • 93

and gender inequality persist and violence against women

continues, with important consequences for both women

and men and for society as a whole. To begin our discus-

sion of gender and gender inequality, this chapter begins

with a critical look at the concepts of sex and gender.

UNDERSTANDING SEX AND GENDER

Although the terms sex and gender are sometimes used

interchangeably and do in fact complement each other,

they nonetheless refer to different aspects of what it means

to be a woman or man in any society.

Sex refers to the anatomical and other biological dif-

ferences between females and males that are determined

at the moment of conception and develop in the womb

Infant girls traditionally wear pink, while infant boys wear

and throughout childhood and adolescence. Females, of

blue. This color difference reflects the different cultural

course, have two X chromosomes, while males have one

expectations we have for babies based on their (biological)

sex. (Bed Time! by Matthew H. is used under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.) X chromosome and one Y chromosome. From this basic

genetic difference spring other biological differences. The

first to appear are the different genitals that boys and girls

have of girls and women, while masculinity refers to the

develop in the womb and that the doctor (or midwife) and

expectations we have of boys and men. A familiar nursery

parents look for when a baby is born (assuming the baby’s

rhyme nicely summarizes these two sets of traits:

sex is not already known from ultrasound or other tech-

What are little boys made of?

niques) so that the momentous announcement, “It’s a boy!”

Snips and snails,

or “It’s a girl!” can be made. The genitalia are called pri-

And puppy dog tails,

mary sex characteristics, while the other differences that

That’s what little boys are made of.

develop during puberty are called secondary sex charac-

What are little girls made of?

teristics and stem from hormonal differences between the

Sugar and spice,

two sexes. In this difficult period of adolescents’ lives, boys

And everything nice,

general y acquire deeper voices, more body hair, and more

That’s what little girls are made of.

muscles from their flowing testosterone. Girls develop

As this nursery rhyme suggests, our traditional

breasts and wider hips and begin menstruating as nature

notions of femininity and masculinity indicate that we

prepares them for possible pregnancy and childbirth. For

think females and males are fundamental y different from

better or worse, these basic biological differences between

each other. In effect, we think of them as two sides of the

the sexes affect many people’s perceptions of what it means

same coin of being human. What we traditional y mean by

to be female or male, as we shall soon discuss.

femininity is captured in the adjectives, both positive and

negative, we traditional y ascribe to women: gentle, sensi-

Gender as a Social Construction

tive, nurturing, delicate, graceful, cooperative, decorative,

If sex is a biological concept, then gender is a social con-

dependent, emotional, passive, and weak. Thus when we

cept. It refers to the social and cultural differences a society

say that a girl or woman is very feminine, we have some

assigns to people based on their (biological) sex. A related

combination of these traits, usual y the positive ones, in

concept, gender roles, refers to a society’s expectations

mind: she is soft, dainty, pretty, even a bit flighty. What we

of people’s behavior and attitudes based on whether they

traditional y mean by masculinity is captured in the adjec-

are females or males. Understood in this way, gender, like

tives, again both positive and negative, our society tradi-

race, is a social construction. How we think and behave as

tional y ascribes to men: strong, assertive, brave, active,

females and males is not etched in stone by our biology

independent, intelligent, competitive, insensitive, unemo-

but rather is a result of how society expects us to think and

tional, and aggressive. When we say that a boy or man is

behave based on what sex we are. As we grow up, we learn

very masculine, we have some combination of these traits

these expectations as we develop our gender identity, or

in mind: he is tough, strong, and assertive.

our beliefs about ourselves as females or males.

These traits might sound like stereotypes of females

These expectations are called femininity and mascu-

and males in today’s society, and to some extent they are,

linity. Femininity refers to the cultural expectations we

but differences between men and women in attitudes and

94 • CHAPTER 6

behavior do in fact exist (Aulette et al., 2009). For exam-

TABLE 6.1 Prevalence of Homosexuality in the united States

ple, women cry more often than men do. Men are more

Activity, Attraction, or Identity

Men (%)

Women (%)

physical y violent than women. Women take care of chil-

Find same-sex sexual relations

4.5

5.6

dren more than men do. Women smile more often than

appealing

men. Men curse more often than women. When women

Attracted to people of same sex

6.2

4.4

talk with each other, they are more likely to talk about

Identify as gay or bisexual

2.8

1.4

their personal lives than men are when they talk with each

At least one sex partner of same sex

2.7

1.3

other (Tannen, 2001). The two sexes even differ when they

during past year among those

hold a cigarette (not that anyone should smoke). When a

sexual y active

woman holds a cigarette, she usual y has the palm of her

At least one sex partner of same sex

4.9

4.1

cigarette-holding hand facing upward. When a man holds

since turning 18

a cigarette, he usual y has his palm facing downward.

Data from Laumann et al. (1994).

Sexual Orientation

Sexual orientation refers to a person’s preference for sex-

ual relationships with individuals of the other sex (het-

of men reported having had at least some male partners,

erosexuality), one’s own sex (homosexuality), both sexes

while 4.6% of women reported having had at least some

(bisexuality), or neither sex (asexuality).

female partners. Although precise numbers must remain

It is difficult to know precisely how many people are

unknown, it seems fair to say that between about 2% and

gay, lesbian, bisexual, or asexual. One problem is concep-

5% of Americans are gay/lesbian or bisexual.

tual. For example, what does it mean to be gay or lesbian?

If it is difficult to determine the number of people

Does one need to actual y have sexual relations with a

who are gay/lesbian or bisexual, it is even more difficult

same-sex partner to be considered gay? What if someone

to determine why some people have this sexual orienta-

is attracted to same-sex partners but does not actual y

tion while most do not have it. Scholars disagree on the

engage in sex with such persons? What if someone iden-

“causes” of sexual orientation (Engle et al., 2006; Sheldon

tifies as heterosexual but engages in homosexual sex for

et al., 2007). Some scholars attribute it to unknown biolog-

money (as in certain forms of prostitution) or for power

ical factor(s) over which individuals have no control, just

and influence (as in much prison sex)? These concep-

as individuals do not decide whether they are left-handed

tual problems make it difficult to determine the extent of

or right-handed. Supporting this view, many gays say they

homosexuality.

realized they were gay during adolescence, just as straights

A second problem is empirical. Even if we can settle on a

would say they realized they were straight during their

definition of homosexuality, how do we then determine how

own adolescence. Other scholars say that sexual orienta-

many people fit this definition? For better or worse, our best

tion is at least partly influenced by cultural norms, so that

evidence of the number of gays and lesbians in the United

individuals are more likely to identify as gay or straight

States comes from surveys of national samples of Americans

depending on the cultural views of sexual orientation into

in which they are asked various questions about their sex-

which they are socialized as they grow up. At best, perhaps

uality. Although these are anonymous surveys, obviously

all we can say is that sexual orientation stems from a com-

at least some individuals may be reluctant to disclose their

plex mix of biological and cultural factors that remain to

sexual activity and thoughts to an interviewer. Stil , schol-

be determined.

ars think the estimates from these surveys are fairly accu-

The Development of Gender Differences

rate but that they probably underestimate by at least a smal

amount the number of gays and lesbians.

What accounts for differences in female and male behav-

A widely cited survey carried out by researchers at the

ior and attitudes? Do the biological differences between

University of Chicago found that 2.8% of men and 1.4%

the sexes account for other differences? Or do these latter

of women identified themselves as gay/lesbian or bisex-

differences stem, as most sociologists think, from cultural

ual, with greater percentages reporting having had sex-

expectations and from differences in the ways in which the

ual relations with same-sex partners or being attracted

sexes are socialized? These are critical questions, for they

to same-sex persons (see Table 6.1). In the 2008 General

ask whether the differences between boys and girls and

Social Survey, 2.2% of men and 3.5% of women identified

women and men stem more from biology or from soci-

themselves as gay/lesbian or bisexual. Among individu-

ety. Biological explanations for human behavior implicitly

als having had any sexual partners since turning 18, 2.2%

support the status quo. If we think behavioral and other

GEndER And GEndER InEquAlITy • 95

differences between the sexes are due primarily to their

from cultural and social influences. If biology is para-

respective biological makeups, we are saying that these

mount, then gender differences are perhaps inevitable and

differences are inevitable or nearly so and that any attempt

the status quo will remain. If culture and social influences

to change them goes against biology and will likely fail.

matter much more than biology, then gender differences

As an example, consider the obvious biological fact

can change and the status quo may give way. With this

that women bear and nurse children and men do not.

backdrop in mind, let’s turn to the biological evidence for

Couple this with the common view that women are also

behavioral and other differences between the sexes and

more gentle and nurturing than men, and we end up with

then examine the evidence for their social and cultural

a “biological recipe” for women to be the primary care-

roots.

takers of children. Many people think this means women

Biology and Gender

are therefore much better suited than men to take care of

children once they are born, and that the family might be

Several biological explanations for gender roles exist, and

harmed if mothers work outside the home or if fathers are

we discuss two of the most important ones here. One

the primary caretakers. Figure 6.1 shows that more than

explanation is from the related fields of sociobiology and

one-third of the public agrees that “it is much better for

evolutionary psychology (Workman & Reader, 2009) and

everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the

argues an evolutionary basis for traditional gender roles.

home and the woman takes care of the home and family.”

Scholars advocating this view reason as follows

To the extent this belief exists, women may not want to

(Barash, 2007; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). In prehistoric work outside the home or, if they choose to do so, they

societies, few social roles existed. A major role centered on

face difficulties from employers, family, and friends. Con-

relieving hunger by hunting or gathering food. The other

versely, men may not even think about wanting to stay at

major role centered on bearing and nursing children.

home and may themselves face difficulties from employ-

Because only women could perform this role, they were

ees, family, and friends if they want to do so. A belief in

also the primary caretakers for children for several years

a strong biological basis for differences between women

after birth. And because women were frequently pregnant,

and men implies, then, that there is little we can or should

their roles as mothers confined them to the home for most

do to change these differences. It implies that “anatomy is

of their adulthood. Meanwhile, men were better suited

destiny,” and destiny is, of course, by definition inevitable.

than women for hunting because they were stronger and

This implication makes it essential to understand the

quicker than women. In prehistoric societies, then, biology

extent to which gender differences do, in fac

Belief that women should stay at home t, stem from

was indeed destiny: for biological reasons, men in effect

biological differences between th

Source: Data from General Social Surveye sex

, 2008es or, instead, stem

worked outside the home (hunted), while women stayed at

home with their children.

Agree

Evolutionary reasons also explain why men are more

Disagree

violent than women. In prehistoric times, men who were

more willing to commit violence against and even kill

other men would “win out” in the competition for female

mates. They thus were more likely than less violent men

to produce offspring, who would then carry these males’

34.9%

genetic violent tendencies. By the same token, men who

were prone to rape women were more likely to produce

offspring, who would then carry these males’ “rape genes.”

65.1%

This early process guaranteed that rape tendencies would

be biological y transmitted and thus provided a biological

basis for the amount of rape that occurs today.

If the human race evolved along these lines, socio-

biologists and evolutionary psychologists continue, natural

selection favored those societies where men were stron-

FIGURE 6.1 Belief that women should stay at home.

ger, braver, and more aggressive and where women were

Agreement or disagreement with statement that “it is

more fertile and nurturing. Such traits over the millennia

much better for everyone involved if the man is the

became fairly instinctual, meaning that men’s and wom-

achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of

the home and family.” (Belief that Women Should Stay at Home by Judy

en’s biological natures evolved differently. Men became, by

Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Data from General Social Survey, 2008.) nature, more assertive, daring, and violent than women,

96 • CHAPTER 6

As one anthropologist summarizes the rape evidence, “The

likelihood that rape is an evolved adaptation [is] extremely

low. It just wouldn’t have made sense for men in the [pre-

historic epoch] to use rape as a reproductive strategy, so the

argument that it’s preprogrammed into us doesn’t hold up”

(Begley, 2009a, p. 54).

A second biological explanation for traditional gender

roles centers on hormones and specifical y on testosterone,

the so-called male hormone. One of the most important

differences between boys and girls and men and women

in the United States and many other societies is their level

of aggression. Simply put, males are much more physical y

aggressive than females and in the United States commit

According to some sociobiologists and evolutionary

about 85%–90% of all violent crimes. Why is this so? This

psychologists, today’s gender differences in strength

gender difference is often attributed to males’ higher levels

and physical aggression are ultimately rooted in certain

of testosterone (Mazur, 2009).

evolutionary processes that spanned millennia. (Couple by To see whether testosterone does indeed raise aggres-

Vladimir Pustovit is used under CC BY 2.0.) sion, researchers typical y assess whether males with

higher testosterone levels are more aggressive than those

and women are, by nature, more gentle, nurturing, and

with lower testosterone levels. Several studies find that this

maternal than men. To the extent this is true, these schol-

is indeed the case. For example, a widely cited study of

ars add, traditional gender roles for women and men make

Vietnam-era male veterans found that those with higher

sense from an evolutionary standpoint, and attempts to

levels of testosterone had engaged in more violent behav-

change them go against the sexes’ biological natures. This

ior (Booth & Osgood, 1993). However, this correlation

in turn implies that existing gender inequality must con-

does not necessarily mean that their testosterone increased

tinue because it is rooted in biology. As the title of a book

their violence: as has been found in various animal species,

presenting the evolutionary psychology argument sum-

it is also possible that their violence increased their testos-

marizes this implication, “biology at work: rethinking sex-

terone. Because studies of human males can’t for ethical

ual equality” (Browne, 2002).

and practical reasons manipulate their testosterone lev-

Critics challenge the evolutionary explanation on sev-

els, the exact meaning of the results from these testoster-

eral grounds (Hurley, 2007; Buller, 2006; Begley, 2009a).

one-aggression studies must remain unclear, according to

First, much greater gender variation in behavior and atti-

a review sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences

tudes existed in prehistoric times than the evolutionary

(Miczek et al., 1994).

explanation assumes. Second, even if biological differences

Another line of research on the biological basis for

did influence gender roles in prehistoric times, these dif-

sex differences in aggression involves children, including

ferences are largely irrelevant in today’s world, in which,

some as young as ages 1 or 2, in various situations (Card et

for example, physical strength is not necessary for survival.

al., 2008). They might be playing with each other, interact-

Third, human environments throughout the millennia have

ing with adults, or writing down solutions to hypothetical

simply been too diverse to permit the simple, straightfor-

scenarios given to them by a researcher. In most of these

ward biological development that the evolutionary expla-

studies, boys are more physical y aggressive in thought or

nation assumes. Fourth, evolutionary arguments implicitly

deed than girls, even at a very young age. Other studies

justify existing gender inequality by implying the need to

are more experimental in nature. In one type of study, a

confine women and men to their traditional roles.

toddler will be playing with a toy, only to have it removed

Recent anthropological evidence also challenges the by an adult. Boys typical y tend to look angry and try to evolutionary argument that men’s tendency to commit grab the toy back, while girls tend to just sit there and violence, including rape, was biological y transmitted. This

whimper. Because these gender differences in aggression

evidence instead finds that violent men have trouble find-

are found at very young ages, researchers often say they

ing female mates who would want them and that the female

must have some biological basis. However, critics of this

mates they find and the children they produce are often

line of research counter that even young children have

killed by rivals to the men. The recent evidence also finds

already been socialized along gender lines (Begley, 2009b;

those rapists’ children are often abandoned and then die.

Eliot, 2009), a point to which we return later. To the extent

GEndER And GEndER InEquAlITy • 97

this is true, gender differences in children’s aggression may

simply reflect socialization and not biology.

In sum, biological evidence for gender differences cer-

tainly exists, but its interpretation remains very controver-

sial. It must be weighed against the evidence, to which we

next turn, of cultural variations in the experience of gen-

der and of socialization differences by gender. One thing

is clear: to the extent we accept biological explanations

for gender, we imply that existing gender differences and

gender inequality must continue to exist. This implication

prompts many social scientists to be quite critical of the

biological viewpoint. As Linda L. Lindsey (2011, p. 52)

notes, “Biological arguments are consistently drawn upon

to justify gender inequality and the continued oppression

of women.” In contrast, cultural and social explanations of

margaret mead made important contributions to the

gender differences and gender inequality promise some

anthropological study of gender. Her work suggested that

hope for change. Let’s examine the evidence for these culture dramatically influences how females and males explanations.

behave and that gender is rooted much more in culture

than in biology. (Dr. Margaret Mead, half-length portrait, facing right,

Culture and Gender

reading book by Edward Lynch/New York World-Telegram/U.S. Library of

Congress is in the public domain.)

Some of the most compelling evidence against a strong

biological determination of gender roles comes from the Tchambuli, women were the dominant, assertive sex anthropologists, whose work on preindustrial societies that showed leadership in tribal affairs, while men were the demonstrates some striking gender variation from one ones wearing fril y clothes and makeup.

culture to another. This variation underscores the impact

Mead’s research caused a firestorm in scholarly circles,

of culture on how females and males think and behave.

as it challenged the biological view on gender that was still

Margaret Mead (1935) was one of the first anthro-

very popular when she went to New Guinea. In recent

pologists to study cultural differences in gender. In New

years, Mead’s findings have been challenged by other

Guinea she found three tribes—the Arapesh, the Mundu-

anthropologists. Among other things, they argue that

gumor, and the Tchambuli—whose gender roles differed

she probably painted an overly simplistic picture of gen-

dramatical y. In the Arapesh both sexes were gentle and

der roles in her three societies (Scheper-Hughes, 1987).

nurturing. Both women and men spent much time with

Other anthropologists defend Mead’s work and note that

their children in a loving way and exhibited what we much subsequent research has found that gender-linked would normal y call maternal behavior. In the Arapesh,

attitudes and behavior do differ widely from one culture

then, different gender roles did not exist, and in fact, both

to another (Morgan, 1989). If so, they say, the impact of

sexes conformed to what Americans would normal y call

culture on what it means to be a female or male cannot be

the female gender role.

ignored.

The situation was the reverse among the Mundugu-

Extensive evidence of this impact comes from anthro-

mor. Here both men and women were fierce, competitive,

pologist George Murdock, who created the Standard

and violent. Both sexes seemed to almost dislike children

Cross-Cultural Sample of almost 200 preindustrial societ-

and often physical y punished them. In the Mundugumor

ies studied by anthropologists. Murdock (1937) found that

society, then, different gender roles also did not exist, as

some tasks in these societies, such as hunting and trap-

both sexes conformed to what we Americans would nor-

ping, are almost always done by men, while other tasks,

mal y call the male gender role.

such as cooking and fetching water, are almost always done

In the Tchambuli, Mead final y found a tribe where

by women. These patterns provide evidence for the evolu-

different gender roles did exist. One sex was the dom-

tionary argument presented earlier, as they probably stem

inant, efficient, assertive one and showed leadership in

from the biological differences between the sexes. Even so

tribal affairs, while the other sex liked to dress up in fril y

there were at least some societies in which women hunted

clothes, wear makeup, and even giggle a lot. Here, then,

and in which men cooked and fetched water.

Mead found a society with gender roles similar to those

More importantly, Murdock found much greater

found in the United States, but with a surprising twist. In

gender variation in several of the other tasks he studied,

Gender responsibility for weaving

Source: Data from S

98 •

tandard Cross-Cultural Sample

CHAPTER 6

Men predominate

and masculinity of the society in which it is found and is

Women predominate

thus considered an androgynous gender. Although some

Neither sex

people in this category are born as intersexed individuals

predominates

(formerly known as hermaphrodites), meaning they have

7.2%

genitalia of both sexes, many are born biological y as one

sex or the other but adopt an androgynous identity.

An example of this intermediary gender category

may be found in India, where the hijra role involves

31.9%

males who wear women’s clothing and identify as women

(Reddy, 2006). The hijra role is an important part of Hindu

mythology, in which androgynous figures play key roles

both as humans and as gods. Today people identified by

themselves and others as hijras continue to play an import-

60.9%

ant role in Hindu practices and in Indian cultural life in

general. Serena Nanda (1997, pp. 200–201) cal s hijras

“human beings who are neither man nor woman” and says

they are thought of as “special, sacred beings” even though

they are sometimes ridiculed and abused.

FIGURE 6.2 Gender responsibility for weaving. (Gender

Anthropologists have found another androgynous

Responsibility for Weaving by Judy Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Data gender composed of women warriors in 33 Native Amer-from Standard Cross-Cultural Sample.)

ican groups in North America. Walter L. Williams (1997)

cal s these women “amazons” and notes that they dress like

including planting crops, milking, and generating fires.

men and sometimes even marry women. In some tribes

Men primarily performed these tasks in some societies,

girls exhibit such “masculine” characteristics from child-

women primarily performed them in other societies, and

hood, while in others they may be recruited into “ama-

in still other societies both sexes performed them equal y.

zonhood.” In the Kaska Indians, for example, a married

Figure 6.2 shows the gender responsibility for yet another

couple with too many daughters would select one to “be

task, weaving. Women are the primary weavers in about

like a man.” When she was about 5 years of age, her parents

61% of the societies that do weaving, men are the primary

would begin to dress her like a boy and have her do male

weavers in 32%, and both sexes do the weaving in 7% of

tasks. Eventual y she would grow up to become a hunter.

the societies. Murdock’s findings il ustrate how gender

The androgynous genders found by anthropologists

roles differ from one culture to another and imply they are

remind us that gender is a social construction and not just

not biological y determined.

a biological fact. If culture does affect gender roles, social-

Anthropologists since Mead and Murdock have con-

ization is the process through which culture has this effect.

tinued to investigate cultural differences in gender. Some

What we experience as girls and boys strongly influences

of their most interesting findings concern gender and sex-

how we develop as women and men in terms of behavior

uality (Morgan, 1989; Brettell & Sargent, 2009). Although and attitudes. To il ustrate this important dimension of

all societies distinguish “femaleness” and “maleness,” gen-

gender, let’s turn to the evidence on socialization.

der is not always binary; non-binary is an adjective that

Socialization and Gender

describes a person who does not identify exclusively as a

man or a woman. Although many non-binary people also

Sociologists identify several agents of socialization, includ-

identify as transgender, not all do (Human Rights Cam-

ing the family, peers, schools, the mass media, and religion.

paign, n.d. ).

Ample evidence of these agents’ impact on gender-role

Non-binary gender categories exist in some societies.

socialization exists. Such socialization helps boys and girls

The Native Americans known as the Mohave, for example,

develop their gender identity (Andersen & Hysock, 2009).

recognize four genders: a woman, a woman who acts like

The Family

a man, a man, and a man who acts like a woman. In some

societies, a third, intermediary gender category is recog-

Socialization into gender roles begins in infancy, as almost

nized. Anthropologists call this category the berdache, who

from the moment of birth parents begin to socialize their

is usual y a man who takes on a woman’s role. This inter-

children as boys or girls without even knowing it (Begley,

mediary category combines aspects of both femininity 2009b; Eliot, 2009). Many studies document this process

GEndER And GEndER InEquAlITy • 99

competitive team games governed by inflexible rules and

relatively large numbers of roles, while girls tend to play

smaller, cooperative games such as hopscotch and jump-

ing rope with fewer and more flexible rules. Although girls

are much more involved in sports now than a generation

ago, these gender differences in their play as youngsters

persist and continue to reinforce gender roles. For exam-

ple, they encourage competitiveness in boys and coopera-

tion and trust among girls. Boys who are not competitive

risk being called “sissy” or other words by their peers. The

patterns we see in adult males and females thus have their

roots in their play as young children (King et al., 1991).

■ Sociology Making a Difference •

Gender Differences in Children’s Play and Games

In considering the debate, discussed in the text, between

biology and sociology over the origins of gender roles, some

widely cited studies by sociologists over gender differences

in children’s play and games provide important evidence for

the importance of socialization.

Janet Lever (1978) studied fifth-grade children in three

Parents play with their daughters and sons differently. For

different communities in Connecticut. She watched them

example, fathers generally roughhouse more with their

play and otherwise interact in school and also had the chil-

sons than with their daughters. (Roughhousing by Jagrap is used dren keep diaries of their play and games outside school.

under CC BY-NC 2.0.)

One of her central aims was to determine how complex the

two sexes’ play and games were in terms of such factors

(Lindsey, 2011). Parents commonly describe their infant

as number of rules, specialization of roles, and size of the

daughters as pretty, soft, and delicate and their infant sons

group playing. In all of these respects, Lever found that boys’

as strong, active, and alert, even though neutral observ-

play and games were typically more complex than girls’ play

ers find no such gender differences among infants when

and games. She attributed these differences to socializa-

they do not know the infants’ sex. From infancy on, par-

tion by parents, teachers, and other adults and argued that

ents play with and otherwise interact with their daughters

the complexity of boys’ play and games helped them to be

and sons differently. They play more roughly with their

better able than girls to learn important social skills such as

sons—for example, by throwing them up in the air or by

dealing with rules and coordinating actions to achieve goals.

gently wrestling with them—and more quietly with their

Meanwhile, Barrie Thorne (1993) spent many months in

daughters. When their infant or toddler daughters cry,

two different working-class communities in California and

they warmly comfort them, but they tend to let their sons

Michigan observing fourth and fifth graders sit in class and

cry longer and to comfort them less. They give their girls

lunchrooms and play on the school playgrounds. Most chil-

dol s to play with and their boys “action figures” and toy

dren were White, but several were African American or Latino.

guns. While these gender differences in socialization are

As you might expect, the girls and boys she observed usually

probably smaller now than a generation ago, they certainly

played separately from each other, and the one-sex groups

continue to exist. Go into a large toy store and you will

in which they played were very important for the develop-

see pink aisles of dol s and cooking sets and blue aisles of

ment of their gender identity, with boys tending to play team

action figures, toy guns, and related items.

sports and other competitive games and girls tending to play

cooperative games such as jump rope. These differences

Peers

led Thorne to conclude that gender-role socialization stems

Peer influences also encourage gender socialization. As

not only from practices by adults but also from the children’s

they reach school age, children begin to play different own activities without adult involvement. When boys and games based on their gender (see the Sociology Making

girls did interact, it was often “girls against the boys” or vice

a Difference feature). Boys tend to play sports and other

versa in classroom spelling contests and in games such as

100 • CHAPTER 6

tag. Thorne concluded that these “us against them” contests

major characters are male. On Nickelodeon, for exam-

women. These magazine images again suggest that wom-

helped the children learn that boys and girls are two different

ple, the very popular SpongeBob SquarePants is a male,

en’s chief goals are to look good and to please men and that

and antagonistic sexes and that gender itself is antagonistic,

as are his pet snail, Gary; his best friend, Patrick Star;

men’s chief goals are to succeed, win over women, and live

even if there were also moments when both sexes interacted

their neighbor, Squidward Tentacles; and SpongeBob’s

life in the fast lane.

on the playground in more relaxed, noncompetitive situa-

employer, Eugene Crabs. Of the major characters in Bikini

tions. Boys also tended to disrupt girls’ games more than the

Religion

Bottom, only Sandy Cheeks is a female. For all its virtues,

reverse and in this manner both exerted and learned domi-

Sesame Street features Bert, Ernie, Cookie Monster, and

Another agent of socialization, religion, also contributes

nance over females. In all of these ways, children were not

other male characters. Most of the Muppets are males, and

to traditional gender stereotypes. Many traditional inter-

just the passive recipients of gender-role socialization from

the main female character, Miss Piggy, depicted as vain

pretations of the Bible yield the message that women are

adults (their teachers), but they also played an active role in

and jealous, is hardly an admirable female role model. As

subservient to men (Tanenbaum, 2009). This message

ensuring that such socialization occurred.

for adults’ prime-time television, more men than women

begins in Genesis, where the first human is Adam, and

The studies by Lever and Thorne were among the first to

continue to fill more major roles in weekly shows, despite

Eve was made from one of his ribs. The major figures in

emphasize the importance of children’s play and peer rela-

notable women’s roles in shows such as The Good Wife

the rest of the Bible are men, and women are for the most

tionships for gender socialization. They also called attention

and Grey’s Anatomy. Women are also often portrayed as

part depicted as wives, mothers, temptresses, and prosti-

to the importance of the traits and values learned through

unintelligent or frivolous individuals who are there more

tutes; they are praised for their roles as wives and moth-

such socialization for outcomes later in life. The rise in team

for their looks than for anything else. Television commer-

ers and condemned for their other roles. More general y,

sports opportunities for girls in the years since Lever and

cials reinforce this image (Yoder et al., 2008). Cosmetics

women are constantly depicted as the property of men.

Thorne did their research is a welcome development that

ads abound, suggesting not only that a major task for

The Ten Commandments includes a neighbor’s wife with

addresses the concerns expressed in their studies, but

women is to look good but also that their sense of self-

his house, ox, and other objects as things not to be coveted

young children continue to play in the ways that Lever and

worth stems from looking good. Other commercials show

(Exodus 20:17), and many biblical passages say explicitly

Thorne found. To the extent children’s play has the conse-

women becoming ecstatic over achieving a clean floor or

that women belong to men, such as this one from the New

quences just listed, and to the extent these consequences

sparkling laundry. Judging from the world of television

Testament:

impede full gender inequality, these sociological studies

commercials, then, women’s chief goals in life are to look

Wives be subject to your husbands, as to the Lord. For the

suggest the need for teachers, parents, and other adults to

good and to have a clean house. At the same time, men’s

husband is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the

help organize children’s play that is more egalitarian along

chief goals, judging from many commercials, are to drink

Church. As the Church is subject to Christ, so let wives

the lines discussed by Lever, Thorne, and other scholars. In

beer and drive cars.

also be subject in everything to their husbands. (Ephesians

this way, their sociological work has helped to make a differ-

Women’s and men’s magazines reinforce these gender

5:22–24)

ence and promises to continue to do so. ■

images (Milillo, 2008). Most of the magazines intended for

teenaged girls and adult women are filled with pictures of

Several passages in the Old Testament justify the rape

thin, beautiful models, advice on dieting, cosmetics ads,

and murder of women and girls. The Koran, the sacred

Schools

and articles on how to win and please your man. Con-

book of Islam, also contains passages asserting the subor-

School is yet another agent of gender socialization (Klein,

versely, the magazines intended for teenaged boys and

dinate role of women (Mayer, 2009).

2007). First of al , school playgrounds provide a location

men are filled with ads and articles on cars and sports,

This discussion suggests that religious people should

for the gender-linked play activities just described to occur.

advice on how to succeed in careers and other endeav-

believe in traditional gender views more than less religious

Second, and perhaps more important, teachers at all levels

ors, and pictures of thin, beautiful (and sometimes nude)

people, and research confirms this relationship (Morgan,

treat their female and male students differently in subtle

1988). To il ustrate this, Figure 6.3 shows the relationship

ways of which they are probably not aware. They tend to

in the General Social Survey between frequency of prayer

call on boys more often to answer questions in class and to

and the view (seen first in Figure 6.1) that “it is much better

praise them more when they give the right answer. They

for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the

also give boys more feedback about their assignments and

home and the woman takes care of the home and family.”

other school work (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). At all grade

levels, many textbooks and other books still portray peo-

ple in gender-stereotyped ways. It is true that the newer

books do less of this than older ones, but the newer books

still contain some stereotypes, and the older books are still

used in many schools, especial y those that cannot afford

to buy newer volumes.

Women’s magazines reinforce the view that women need

Mass Media

to be slender and wear many cosmetics in order to be

Gender socialization also occurs through the mass media

considered beautiful. (Glamour/Fashion Retouching by Tucia by Photo

(Dow & Wood, 2006). On children’s television shows, the

Editing Services Tucia.com is used under CC BY 2.0.)

Acceptance of traditional gender roles in the family

according to frequency of prayer

source: Data from General Social Survey

GEndER And GEndER, 2008

InEquAlITy • 101

women. These magazine images again suggest that wom-

45%

en’s chief goals are to look good and to please men and that

40%

men’s chief goals are to succeed, win over women, and live

35%

life in the fast lane.

30%

Religion

25%

Another agent of socialization, religion, also contributes

20%

to traditional gender stereotypes. Many traditional inter-

pretations of the Bible yield the message that women are

15%

subservient to men (Tanenbaum, 2009). This message 10%

begins in Genesis, where the first human is Adam, and

5%

Eve was made from one of his ribs. The major figures in

the rest of the Bible are men, and women are for the most

0%

Pray

Pray

Rarely/never

part depicted as wives, mothers, temptresses, and prosti-

daily

weekly

pray

tutes; they are praised for their roles as wives and moth-

FIGURE 6.3 Frequency of prayer and acceptance of

ers and condemned for their other roles. More general y,

traditional gender roles in the family. Percentage agreeing

women are constantly depicted as the property of men.

that “it is much better for everyone involved if the man is

The Ten Commandments includes a neighbor’s wife with

the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care

his house, ox, and other objects as things not to be coveted

of the home and family.” (Prayer Frequency and Gender Roles by Judy

Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Data from General Social Survey, 2008.) (Exodus 20:17), and many biblical passages say explicitly

that women belong to men, such as this one from the New

Testament:

People who pray more often are more likely to accept this

traditional view of gender roles.

Wives be subject to your husbands, as to the Lord. For the

husband is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the

A Final Word on the Sources of Gender

Church. As the Church is subject to Christ, so let wives

Scholars in many fields continue to debate the relative

also be subject in everything to their husbands. (Ephesians

importance of biology and of culture and socialization for

5:22–24)

how we behave and think as girls and boys and as women

Several passages in the Old Testament justify the rape

and men. The biological differences between females and

and murder of women and girls. The Koran, the sacred

males lead many scholars and no doubt much of the public

book of Islam, also contains passages asserting the subor-

to assume that masculinity and femininity are to a large

dinate role of women (Mayer, 2009).

degree biological y determined or at least influenced. In

This discussion suggests that religious people should

contrast, anthropologists, sociologists, and other social

believe in traditional gender views more than less religious

scientists tend to view gender as a social construction.

people, and research confirms this relationship (Morgan,

Even if biology does matter for gender, they say, the sig-

1988). To il ustrate this, Figure 6.3 shows the relationship

nificance of culture and socialization should not be under-

in the General Social Survey between frequency of prayer

estimated. To the extent that gender is indeed shaped by

and the view (seen first in Figure 6.1) that “it is much better

society and culture, it is possible to change gender and to

for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the

help bring about a society where both men and women

home and the woman takes care of the home and family.”

have more opportunity to achieve their full potential.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

• Sex is a biological concept, while gender is a social concept and

• Families, schools, peers, the mass media, and religion are

refers to the social and cultural differences a society assigns to

agents of socialization for the development of gender identity

people based on their sex.

and gender roles.

• Several biological explanations for gender roles exist, but

Women’s magazines reinforce the view that women need

sociologists think culture and socialization are more important

to be slender and wear many cosmetics in order to be

considered beautiful.

sources of gender roles than biology.

(Glamour/Fashion Retouching by Tucia by Photo

Editing Services Tucia.com is used under CC BY 2.0.)

102 • CHAPTER 6

EXERCISES

1. Write a short essay about one or two events you recall from

2. Do you think gender roles are due more to biology or to culture

your childhood that reflected or reinforced your gender

and socialization? Explain your answer.

socialization.

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Contents

CHAPTER 7

CHAPTER 7

Socialization and Human Sexuality 104

Socialization and Human Sexuality

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR: KINSEY’S STUDY

105

Background 105

SOURCE

The Kinsey Scale

106

lumencandela. (n.d.). Socialization and human sexuality. In Boundless sociology. Lumen Learning. https://courses.

lumenlearning.com/boundless-sociology/chapter/socialization-and-human-sexuality/

Sexuality Within Marriage

106

(Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

Critical Response

106

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. Examine the various ways in which a person is sexually social-

5. Describe the phenomenon of homophobia (both institutional

ized, specifically through religion, law, and the media.

and informal) and the implications it has for LGBTQ individuals

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR SINCE KINSEY

106

2. Analyze the impact of Kinsey’s study of sexuality related to how

in modern-day America.

it changed the public’s perception of sexuality and how people

6. Analyze the efforts of the LGBT rights movement to achieve

SEXUAL ORIENTATION

107

are sexually socialized.

equal rights and opportunities for homosexual, bisexual, and

3. Summarize the impact of the Kinsey Report and the sexual

transgendered individuals.

Development of Sexual Orientation 108

revolution of the 1960s on American sexuality.

7. Discuss the various ways people can express sexual desire, in

4. Explain the development of sexual orientation (heterosexual,

both emotional and physical terms.

Sexual Reorientation 108

homosexual, bisexual, or asexual) in terms of both static and

fluid sexuality.

HOMOPHOBIA 108

KEY TERMS

Historical Institutional Homophobia: Holocaust

109

asexuality

Holocaust

pornography

context

homophobia

same-sex civil unions

A heterosexual couple. Heterosexuality is a social norm.

Current Institutional Persecution of Homosexuals

109

(Bride and Groom by Jenni is used under CC BY-SA 2.0.)

Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA)

informal discrimination

sexology

flirtation

institutional discrimination

sexual revolution

Homophobia and the United States 109

heteronormativity

Kinsey Report

sodomy laws

Informal Homophobia 110

heterosexual/homosexual binary

oral contraception

socialization

THE MOVEMENT FOR GAY AND LESBIAN CIVIL RIGHTS

110

SOCIAL CONTEXT AND SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

111

One learns from society how to express one’s sexuality. taught sexual norms of their particular cultural and his-As such, sexual expression is part of socialization, the

torical moment through socialization (“Human Sexuality,”

lifelong process of inheriting and disseminating norms,

2020). At the current moment in Western societies, sex-

Socialization and Sexual Behavior

112

customs, and ideologies and providing an individual with

uality is evaluated along a continuum of heterosexuality

the skil s and habits necessary for participating within and homosexuality, with heterosexuality as the privileged

Understanding Sexual Behavior

112

one’s own society. Socialization necessarily implies the mode of sexual expression. Obviously, this is a basic sche-inculcation of norms, or behaviors that society marks as

matic; it does not capture all of the existing ways in which

Socialization and Normalized Sexual Behavior 112

valued as opposed to those marked as deviant (“Socializa-

people behave sexual y, but it is the basic rubric by which

tion,” 2020).

sexual behaviors are evaluated.

REFERENCES 113

In regards to sexuality, socialization in the U.S. and

In contrast, the Ancient Greeks categorized sexuality

Western countries most notably adheres to heteronorma-

not in terms of homosexuality and heterosexuality, but

tivity, or the marking of heterosexual unions as normal

in terms of active and passive sexual subjects. What was

and homosexual unions as social y abnormal and deviant.

salient for the Ancient Greeks was whether one took an

While homosexual unions are the types of unions most

active or passive sexual position, whether one was the

commonly marked in opposition to normative heterosex-

penetrator or was penetrated. In this sense, biological

ual unions, heteronormativity marks any type of non-het-

gender was obviously relevant, but not in the same way as

erosexual sexual activity as deviant, as heterosexual sexual

evaluating homosexual or heterosexual orientation. Men

acts are considered the norm (“Heteronormativity,” 2020).

could be either active or passive, but women could only

There is extreme variation in sexual expression across

be passive (“Homosexuality in Ancient Greece,” 2020). It

historical periods and cultures. This indicates that there

is misleading to say that homosexuality was tolerated in

are no universal sexual norms. Rather, an individual is

Ancient Greece; rather, the Ancient Greeks conceived of

104

SoCIAlIzATIon And HumAn SExuAlITy • 105

laws within a particular jurisdiction simultaneously reflect

and create social norms regarding sexuality. For exam-

ple, based on American law, Americans are socialized to

believe that prostitution and rape are improper forms of

sexual behavior. The interactions of homosexual sexual

acts and their (il)legality provides an opportunity to see

how the law both mirrors and molds American under-

standings of sexual norms. Sodomy laws, or laws prohibit-

ing particular sexual acts between two consenting partners

such as anal sex between two men, were on the books in

most American states for decades. While sodomy laws

in the United States often targeted sexual acts between

persons of the same sex, many statutes employed defini-

tions broad enough to outlaw certain sexual acts between

persons of different sexes as wel , sometimes even acts

between married persons (“Sodomy Law,” 2020; “Lawrence

v. Texas,” 2020).

The media is one final example of a cultural pro-

gram through which individuals encounter normative

discourses of sexuality. Individuals are socialized to rep-

licate the sexual behaviors that they see on television, in

movies, and in books. These representations are typical y

A heterosexual couple. Heterosexuality is a social norm.

heteronormative. Pornography—the explicit depiction of

(Bride and Groom by Jenni is used under CC BY-SA 2.0.) sexual subject matter or a display of material of an erotic

nature—presents another way in which individuals are

sexuality in completely different ways than the current

socialized towards particular sexual practices through the

Western norm.

media. Over 70% of men ages 18–34 who use the Internet

So how is it that one becomes socialized into certain

view at least one pornographic website a month (“Pornog-

sexual behaviors and proclivities? The rest of this section

raphy,” 2016). Follow-up studies show that many of these

seeks to explore how socializing agents impress sexual individuals—in addition to female pornography viewers—

taught sexual norms of their particular cultural and his-

norms into their members by looking at three primary

attempt to incorporate the actions they witness in pornog-

torical moment through socialization (“Human Sexuality,”

agents of socialization: religion, the law, and the media.

raphy into their own sex lives.

2020). At the current moment in Western societies, sex-

Given that most religions seek to instruct their follow-

uality is evaluated along a continuum of heterosexuality

ers on the proper and holy ways in which to live life, it

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR: KINSEY’S STUDY

and homosexuality, with heterosexuality as the privileged

follows that most religions seek to offer guidance on the

Background

mode of sexual expression. Obviously, this is a basic sche-

proper ways to sexual y comport oneself. For example,

Dr. Alfred Kinsey was an American biologist who is con-

matic; it does not capture all of the existing ways in which

many evangelical Christians value abstinence and believe

sidered to be the founder of sexology, or the scientific

people behave sexual y, but it is the basic rubric by which

that men and women should wait until marriage to engage

study of human sexuality, including human sexual interests,

sexual behaviors are evaluated.

in sexual activity (“Human Sexuality,” 2020). The Catholic

behavior, and function (“Sexology,” 2020). Kinsey trained

In contrast, the Ancient Greeks categorized sexuality

Church asserts that homosexuality is unholy. Leaders of

as a biologist and entomologist at Harvard and obtained

not in terms of homosexuality and heterosexuality, but

the Jewish faith promote sexual activity between married

a teaching post at Indiana University. There, he became

in terms of active and passive sexual subjects. What was

couples to reinforce the marital bond and produce chil-

interested in human sexuality. In 1935, Kinsey delivered a

salient for the Ancient Greeks was whether one took an

dren. Like most of the other denominations of monothe-

lecture to a faculty discussion group where he attacked the

active or passive sexual position, whether one was the

istic religions, Islam encourages sexual activity so long as

“widespread ignorance of sexual structure and physiology”

penetrator or was penetrated. In this sense, biological

it is practiced by married partners (“Human Sexuality,”

and advanced the notion that delayed sexual experience, or

gender was obviously relevant, but not in the same way as

2020). This is not to say, of course, that all adherents to

waiting to engage in sexual activity until marriage, was psy-

evaluating homosexual or heterosexual orientation. Men

a particular faith stringently follow the faith’s guidelines,

chological y harmful. This lecture sparked intensive research

could be either active or passive, but women could only

but rather that individuals growing up within a particular

that resulted in the Kinsey Report. The report refers to two

be passive (“Homosexuality in Ancient Greece,” 2020). It

religion are instructed on how to behave sexual y.

different book publications based on his research of human

is misleading to say that homosexuality was tolerated in

The legal system is another mechanism through which

sexuality: Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and

Ancient Greece; rather, the Ancient Greeks conceived of

individuals are instructed on proper sexual conduct. The

Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953). The books

106 • CHAPTER 7

were widely read and Kinsey became a media star (“Alfred

moment in one’s life, indicating that sexuality changes

Kinsey,” 2020).

over time. Nevertheless, Kinsey’s Scale is effectively a seg-

The Kinsey Report was the most extensive analysis of

mented version of the heterosexual/homosexual binary,

human sexuality conducted to its day. Data was gathered

not allowing for other interpretations of sexuality (“Sex-

primarily by means of subjective interviews, conducted

ual Orientation,” 2020). Kinsey’s associates actual y added

according to a structured questionnaire memorized by an additional category, X, to represent asexuals, or people the experimenters. Significantly, the Kinsey research team

who experience no sexual desire (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

went out and conducted the interviews themselves, rather

In this way, Kinsey’s report is of its particular cultural and

than relying upon pre-collected data. What resulted was

historical moment, in that it conceives of American sex-

the largest collection of statistical information about adult

uality as only occurring along this binary. According to

sexuality in the United States (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

Kinsey, 11.6% of White males aged 20 to 35 were given a

rating of three for this period in their lives, meaning that

The Kinsey Scale

they were equal y heterosexual and homosexual. Kinsey

A large section of the Kinsey Report was devoted to the

further found that 7% of single females aged 20 to 35 and

idea of sexual orientation. The Kinsey Report is frequently

4% of previously married females were given a rating of

invoked to support the common estimate of one in ten

three for this period of their lives (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

Americans being a homosexual. However, Kinsey disap-

The report also states that nearly 46% of the male interview

proved of using terms like homosexual or heterosexual, as

subjects had “reacted” sexual y to persons of both sexes in

he firmly believed that sexuality is prone to change over

the course of their adult lives, and 37% had at least one

time and that sexual behavior must be understood both

homosexual experience.

as physical contact as well as purely psychological phe-

Sexuality Within Marriage

nomena, such as desire, attraction, and fantasy. Instead of

using the homosexual/heterosexual categorization, Kinsey

The Kinsey study also gave statistics on sexuality within

developed the Kinsey Scale system. This system attempts

marriage that had never before been reported. According

to describe a person’s sexual history or episodes of sexual

to Kinsey, the average frequency of marital sex reported by

activity at a given point in time, rather than assigning an

women in their late teens was 2.8 times per week, 2.2 times

individual an overarching and permanent sexual orienta-

per week for women by the age of 30, and once per week

tion (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

by women by the age of 50. Kinsey estimated that approx-

The scale ranked sexual behavior from zero to six,

imately half of all married males had some extramarital

with zero being completely heterosexual and six being

experience at some point in their married lives. Among

completely homosexual. As one can see, Kinsey rejected

Kinsey’s sample, 26% of females had extramarital sex by

the idea of a permanent status of sexual orientation and

their forties. Kinsey found that between 10 and 16% of

instead chose to rely on a rating relating to a particular

married females aged 26 to 50 were engaged in extramari-

tal sex (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

Critical Response

Kinsey’s report was wildly successful. The two books

together sold over 750,000 copies and were translated

into thirteen languages. They may be considered some

of the most successful and influential scientific literature

of the twentieth century. The reports are associated with

a significant change in public perceptions of sexuality. A

mere decade after the reports were published, the first oral

contraceptive was introduced and the sexual revolution

began. The sexual revolution was a social movement from

the 1960s to the 1980s that increased acceptance of sex

outside of marriage (“Sexual Revolution,” 2020).

The Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR SINCE KINSEY

Reproduction. The photo shows morrison Hall at Indiana

university, home of the Kinsey Institute. (Morrison Hall by McAnt/

The publication of the Kinsey Report, the findings of norms

Wikimedia Commons is used under CC BY-SA 3.0.)

in American sexuality by Dr. Alfred Kinsey, in the early

SoCIAlIzATIon And HumAn SExuAlITy • 107

1950s contributed to the sparking of the sexual revo-

lution, or the loosening of sexual mores demanding sex

between heterosexual married partners that occurred in

the 1960s. While other sexualities were still stigmatized in

most post-Kinsey environments, the sexual revolution was

marked by popular acceptance of premarital sex. Studies

have shown that between 1965 and 1975, the number of

women who had had sexual intercourse prior to marriage

showed a marked increase. The social and political climate

of the 1960s was a unique one in which traditional val-

ues were often challenged loudly by a very vocal minority

(“Sexual Revolution,” 2020; “Sexual Revolution in 1960s

America,” 2019).

“The pill.” The landmark Supreme Court case Griswold v.

Kinsey’s 1950s study of sexuality contributed to the

Connecticut affirmed women’s right to use birth control.

sexual revolution of the 1960s in two ways. First, prior

(Photo a Day Project: February 2006: Birth Control by Jenny Lee Silver is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.)

to the Kinsey Report, no one had interviewed and pub-

lished such an exhaustive and comprehensive analysis of

Americans’ sexual desires and practices. Kinsey’s report

pill became an even more favored and social y acceptable

reached the conclusion that few Americans are com-

means of birth control in 1965 when the Supreme Court

pletely heterosexual in desire or practice as indicated

decided the case of Griswold v. Connecticut. In its opin-

by the Kinsey Scale, or a numeric scaling of individuals

ion, the Supreme Court held that the government could

along a continuum from complete heterosexuality to not dictate the use of contraception by married couples complete homosexuality. Though the Kinsey Report was

because such action would be a violation of the right to

published in the popular press, it was a scientific study

marital privacy implied in the Bill of Rights. The ruling

conducted by a biologist at an academic institution. Pop-

furthered access to birth control and contributed to a post-

ular readers of the Kinsey Report imbued the findings

Kinsey sexual environment in which society increasingly

with a sense of scientific authority and professed faith

accepted premarital sex (“Sexual Revolution in 1960s

in their accuracy. While other sexual orientations and

America,” 2019).

acts were still marked as non-normative, society began

to accept that other sexualities existed. The Kinsey Report

SEXUAL ORIENTATION

was one step towards non-heterosexual orientations and

Sexual orientation describes an enduring pattern of attrac-

behaviors becoming accepted by society as normal. Sec-

tion—emotional, romantic, sexual, or some combination

ond, one cannot underestimate the significance of the

of these—to the opposite sex, the same sex, both, or nei-

mere publication of the Kinsey Report, independent of its

ther (“Sexual Orientation,” 2020). The varying forms of

findings. Prior to its publication, sexuality was consid-

these attractions are general y divided into the following

ered uncouth to include in conversation. Kinsey’s pub-

categories:

lication initiated a national environment more tolerant

• heterosexuality, or attraction to members of the

to conversations about sexuality, which in and of itself

opposite biological sex

loosened the grip of normalized, marital heterosexual

• homosexuality, or attraction to members of the

relations (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

same biological sex

Another scientific product had a profound impact

• bisexuality, or attraction to members of both bio-

on the development of the sexual revolution: the devel-

logical sexes

opment of oral contraception. “The pil ” provided many

• asexuality, or attraction to neither biological sex

women a more affordable way to avoid pregnancy. Before

the pil , there was a lack of affordable and safe options for

Some individuals have tried to avoid these categories

contraception, rendering unwanted pregnancy a serious

of sexual orientation by not describing themselves as het-

risk of premarital sexual activity. In 1960, the Food and

ero-, homo-, bi-, or asexual and preferring the umbrel a

Drug Administration licensed the drug, enabling its legal

term “queer.” Part of the opposition to the gender binary is

sale. However, many states still outlawed the use of contra-

that it creates heteronormative assumptions that mark het-

ceptives in order to reflect and enforce an ethic in which

erosexuality as normal and homosexuality deviant merely

sexual activity was only acceptable for reproduction. The

because it is the opposite of heterosexuality.

108 • CHAPTER 7

FIGURE 7.1 Venn diagram depicting the

relationships between assigned sex and

sexual orientation. Androphilia and gynephilia

are preferred terms for some populations,

because homosexual and heterosexual

assign a sex to the person being described.

(Sex-Sexuality Venn by Andrea James/Wikimedia Commons is

used under CC BY-SA 3.0.)

religiously motivated; 79% of men who said

that they had changed their sexual orienta-

tion said that they had done so for religious

reasons, while 93% indicated that religion

was “extremely” or “very” important to them

(“Sexual Orientation Change Efforts,” 2020).

Sexual Reorientation

A significant amount of professional and

academic doubt exists about the efficacy of

Significantly, sexual orientation does not only refer these reorientation programs. No major mental health to one’s sexual practices, but also includes a psychologi-professional organization has sanctioned efforts to change

cal component, like the direction of an individual’s erotic

sexual orientation and virtual y all of them have adopted

desire. Sexual identity and sexual behavior are closely policy statements cautioning the profession. These include related to sexual orientation, but they are distinguishable.

the American Psychiatric Association, the American Psy-

Sexual identity refers to an individual’s conception of their

chological Association, the American Counseling Associ-

own sexuality, while sexual behavior limits one’s under-

ation, the National Association of Social Workers in the

standing of sexuality to behaviors performed (Figure 7.1).

USA, and the Royal College of Psychiatrists. According

People may or may not express their sexual orientation in

to the American Psychological Association and the Royal

their behaviors (“Sexual Orientation,” 2020).

College of Psychiatrists’ Gay and Lesbian Mental Health

Special Interest Group, there is no sound scientific evi-

Development of Sexual Orientation

dence that sexual orientation can be changed (“Sexual

The primary tension in conversations about sexual orienta-

Orientation Change Efforts,” 2020).

tion addresses whether sexual orientation is static or fluid,

Though they obviously disagree with the conceit that

whether one is born with an immutable sexual orientation,

homosexuality needs to be treated, many major gay rights

or whether one develops sexual orientation. Each inter-

advocacy groups mirror the underlying assumption that

pretation of sexuality manages our understanding of what

homosexuality is a static sexual orientation. The idea that

sexual orientation means in different ways, particularly

sexual orientation is not a choice, but that rather one is

when combined with political debates about homosexu-

born with an assigned orientation, is pervasive in popu-

ality. Organizations that subscribe to the static interpreta-

lar conceptions of sexual orientation. This idea runs up

tion of sexual orientation fall on both sides of the political

against studies that demonstrate how widely sexual ori-

divide. Some organizations are social y and political y con-

entation varies in light of cultural and historical circum-

servative, advancing the view that sexuality, left untreated,

stances, indicating that one’s environment and cultural

is static. These organizations tend to pathologize non-het-

context play significant roles in determining one’s sexual

erosexual orientations, or conceive of them as an illness

orientation (“Sexual Orientation,” 2020).

that must be corrected through medical or therapeutic

means. Some of these institutions offer sexual reorienta-

HOMOPHOBIA

tion therapies in which individuals who are attracted to

Homophobia is a range of negative attitudes and feelings

members of the opposite sex but do not want to have those

towards homosexuality or people perceived as homo-

attractions can try to become solely attracted to members

sexual. Homophobia is observable in critical and hostile

of the opposite biological sex. Many of these programs are

behavior like discrimination and violence. Much like

SoCIAlIzATIon And HumAn SExuAlITy • 109

Party itself were murdered. Between 1933 and 1945, an

estimated 100,000 men were arrested as homosexuals, of

whom some 50,000 were official y sentenced to imprison-

ment. Most of these German men served time in regular

prisons, but an estimated 5,000 to 15,000 were forced to

serve their time in concentration camps. Like Jews and the

disabled, Hitler labeled homosexuals as defective and sys-

tematical y persecuted them (“Persecution of Homosexuals

in Nazi Germany,” 2020).

Current Institutional Persecution of Homosexuals

Today, homosexuality is still punishable by death in some

A homophobic protest in the united States. Frequently,

countries around the world. Uganda, for example, crim-

homophobia is prompted by religious beliefs. (04.WBC.

inalizes non-heterosexual sex acts and most Ugandans

MarriageEqualityRally.SupremeCourt.WDC.26March2013 by Elvert Barnes is

consider non-heterosexuality to be taboo. In October,

used under CC BY-SA 2.0.)

2009, a member of the Ugandan Parliament introduced

the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill to broaden the crim-

racism or sexism, homophobia involves the targeting of

inalization of same-sex relationships and apply the death

a specific population of individuals with certain traits. penalty to repeat offenders (“LGBT Rights in Uganda,”

Homophobia, or the fear of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgen-

2020). Under the statutes of the bil , individuals convicted

der, and queer (LGBTQ) individuals, is often the impetus

of a single act of non-heterosexual sex would receive life

for discrimination, which can be expressed through either

imprisonment. Additional y, individuals or companies

institutional or informal means (“Homophobia,” 2020).

promoting LGBTQ rights would be national y penalized.

Institutional discrimination involves the state apparatus.

The bill also created a public policing policy under which

If homophobic discrimination is institutional, it means

Ugandan citizens would be required to report any homo-

either that non-heterosexual sex acts are criminalized or

sexual activity within 24 hours or face a maximum penalty

that LGBTQ individuals are denied the same legal rights

of three years in prison. Additional y, if Ugandan citizens

as heterosexuals (“Discrimination,” 2020; “Employment

were found to be engaging in same-sex sexual or roman-

Non-Discrimination Act,” 2020; “Homophobia,” 2020).

tic activities outside the country, Uganda would request

Informal discrimination is not necessarily sanctioned extradition. The bill was signed into law in February 2014

by the state, but involves social pressures against LGBTQ

but annulled just five months later (“Uganda Anti-Homo-

individuals, behaviors, and identities.

sexuality Act, 2014,” 2020).

In the United States, the social disapproval of homo-

Homophobia and the United States

sexuality is not evenly distributed throughout society. That

being said, it is more or less pronounced according to age,

Although non-heterosexual sex acts are legal in the United

ethnicity, geographic location, race, sex, social class, educa-

States, LGTBQ people still face institutional discrim-

tion, political identification, and religious status (“Societal

ination because they are not afforded the same rights as

Attitudes toward Homosexuality,” 2020). Republicans are

heterosexual couples. Most evidently, same-sex couples

far more likely than Democrats to have negative attitudes

are not allowed to wed in most states. Gay marriage has

about people who are LGBTQ. Likewise, people who con-

become a sensitive political issue over the past decade,

sider themselves to be religious are more likely than secular

partial y due to the fact that the federal government and

individuals to hold negative views about LGBTQ people.

state governments have different laws about gay marriage.

Until 2015, the federal government did not recognize gay

Historical Institutional Homophobia: Holocaust

marriage, but individual states could choose to recognize

On many occasions in Western nations in the twentieth

it (Figure 7.2). In 1996, the federal government passed the

century, LGBTQ individuals have been stigmatized because

Defense of Marriage Act. According to this act, the federal

of homophobia. After the rise of Adolf Hitler, homosexuals

government could not recognize gay marriages, and a state

were one of the many groups targeted by the Nazi Party and

that did not recognize gay marriage did not have to accept

became victims of the Holocaust. Beginning in 1933, gay

the marriage license given to a same-sex couple in a differ-

organizations were banned, scholarly books about homo-

ent state that did recognize same-sex marriages (“Defense

sexuality were burned, and homosexuals within the Nazi

of Marriage Act,” 2012). Supreme Court decisions in 2013

110 • CHAPTER 7

Performed and recognized

Recognized when performed elsewhere

Only recognized by the state and

federal governments

Mixed jurisdiction; not performed by

tribal government

Mixed jurisdiction; not performed or

recognized by tribal government

FIGURE 7.2 Same-sex marriage in the united States (2019). laws regarding same-sex marriage varied by state in the u.S.

The federal government could not recognize gay marriage, and individual states could choose whether or not they would recognize the practice. (This work, Same-Sex Marriage in the US 2019, is a derivative of Same-Sex Marriage in the United States by Lokal_Profil with data from Stephen Macmanus/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY-SA 2.5. Same-Sex Marriage in the US 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

and 2015 ruled the act’s provisions unconstitutional and

men and lesbian women could meet other homosexuals

unenforceable (“Defense of Marriage Act,” 2020; “Same-

with whom they could form romantic and sexual relation-

Sex Marriage in the United States,” 2020).

ships. Moreover, they were early sites of political action on

behalf of gays and lesbians. Homophile organizations such

Informal Homophobia

as the Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis lob-

Prejudices do not have to be institutionalized to be harm-

bied politicians and business owners to create gay friendly

ful. Many instances of homophobia and discrimination

establishments. The efforts of these types of clubs led to a

occur by informal means. Homophobia can occurs when

growth in the number of gay-friendly bars and social clubs,

heterosexual individuals feel anxiety about being perceived

making it easier for homosexual individuals to find other

as gay by others. This phenomenon is most commonly

homosexuals to associate with. Homophile organizations,

experienced by adolescent boys. The taunting of boys seen

however, did not lead to any large-scale demonstrations or

as eccentric, many of whom are usual y not gay, is said to

protests, and did not result in widespread legal or social

be endemic in rural and suburban American schools. At

changes for LGBT people.

times, this abuse can lead taunted individuals to take dan-

Prior to the 1970s, most states in the United States had

gerous risks in efforts to prove a normative masculinity.

laws against sodomy, general y defined as any sexual con-

Adolescents in the United States often use phrases like

tact other than heterosexual intercourse (“Sodomy Laws

“that’s so gay” in a pejorative sense.

in the United States,” 2020). Thus, homosexuality was

essential y illegal. The surge in the number of gay-friendly

THE MOVEMENT FOR GAY AND

bars in the 1950s led to police crackdowns against estab-

LESBIAN CIVIL RIGHTS

lishments that were frequented by gays and lesbians in the

The LGBT Rights Movement refers to the attempts of les-

1950s and 1960s. One such crackdown was the raid on

bian, gay, bisexual, and transgender advocates to improve

the Stonewall Inn, a bar in Greenwich Vil age, New York

the legal and social status of LGBT people. Historical y,

City that was frequented by gay men, drag queens, and

LGBT people have faced prejudice and discrimination male cross-dressers. When police raided the bar in June

(“LGBT Rights in the United States,” 2020). Since the mid-

1969, the customers resisted arrest. Neighborhood resi-

1900s, individuals and organizations have worked to over-

dents joined in the resistance, resulting in several nights

come prejudice against LGBT people.

of rioting. The Stonewall Riots are often cited as the first

The first organizations in the U.S. that worked to improve

major protest by LGBT people against the criminalization

the standing of LGBT people were known as homophile

of homosexuality. The riots gained much media attention

organizations. Homophile organizations were clubs of gay

and served as visible evidence that there was a large popu-

men and lesbian women who sought equality for gays and

lation of homosexual people that could be organized into a

lesbians. These clubs served as social spaces in which gay

political y active group (“Stonewall Riots,” 2020).

SoCIAlIzATIon And HumAn SExuAlITy • 111

Laws repealed or struck down before 1970

Laws repealed or struck down from 1970–1979

Laws repealed or struck down from 1980–1989

Laws repealed or struck down from 1990–1999

Laws repealed or struck down from 2000–2002

Laws struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court

in 2003 in Lawrence v. Texas

FIGURE 7.3 Anti-sodomy laws in the united States (2016). This map depicts when anti-sodomy laws that criminalized non-heterosexual sex were overturned by state in the united States. (This work, Anti-Sodomy Laws in the US 2016, is a derivative of Map

of US Sodomy Laws by Lokal_Profil with data from CL8/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY-SA 2.5. Anti-Sodomy Laws in the US 2016 is licensed under

CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

After Stonewal , large organizations of LGBT advocates

Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996. DOMA

arose to challenge discrimination against LGBT people.

defined marriage as between one man and one woman in

For example, leaders organized the first Gay Pride march

federal law, meaning that the federal government would

to commemorate the one year anniversary of the Stone-

not confer benefits to same-sex couples granted mar-

wall Riots and to loudly declare their desire for equality

riage licenses by states. It additionally stated that states

(“Stonewall Riots,” 2020). First and foremost on the gay

did not need to recognize same-sex marriages granted

rights platform was the need to overturn laws that made

by other states (“Defense of Marriage Act,” 2012). None-

homosexuality illegal. Throughout the 1970s, activists in

theless, by the early 2000s, many states began to consider

many states succeeded in having state legislatures overturn

legalizing same-sex marriage. The first to do so was Mas-

laws banning homosexuality. This coincided with a period

sachusetts in 2004. Connecticut, Iowa, New Hampshire,

in which sexual mores were general y liberalized in the U.S.

New York, and Vermont passed similar laws between

Nonetheless, by the mid-1980s many states still outlawed

2008 and 2011, and, since then, the remaining states

homosexuality. It was not until 2003 that the Supreme have followed suit. Other states have passed laws allow-Court decided that states could not criminalize homosex-

ing for same-sex civil unions. Civil unions provide the

uality (Figure 7.3) (“Sodomy Laws in the United States,”

legal benefits of marriage to same-sex couples, but not

2020).

the title of marriage. Beginning with Denmark in 1989,

An issue that has been central to the LGBT rights

civil unions under one name or another have been estab-

movement since the late 1980s is same-sex marriage. At

lished by law in several, mostly developed, countries in

the 1987 National March on Washington for Lesbian and

order to provide same-sex couples with rights, benefits,

Gay Rights, recognition of lesbian and gay relationships

and responsibilities similar (in some countries, identi-

was a primary demand made by demonstrators. Indeed,

cal) to opposite-sex civil marriage (“Civil Union,” 2020;

many protestors participated in a mass wedding in front

“Same-Sex Unions in the United States,” 2019).

of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to highlight the ways

On June 26, 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in

in which U.S. tax code benefits married heterosexual cou-

Obergefell v. Hodges that state laws banning same-sex mar-

ples. Because they were denied the right to marry, gay and

riage violate the Fourteenth Amendment and that states

lesbian couples could not file taxes jointly, often could not

must license and recognize same-sex marriages (“Same-

share custody of children, and lacked hospital visitation

Sex Unions in the United States,” 2019).

rights and rights of inheritance, among other benefits of

marriage (“Second National March on Washington for SOCIAL CONTEXT AND SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

Lesbian and Gay Rights,” 2020).

Sexual behavior refers to the manner in which humans

In response to same sex couples’ attempts to gain

experience and express their sexuality. People engage in a

state marriage licenses, the U.S. Congress passed the

variety of sexual acts from time to time, and for a wide

112 • CHAPTER 7

variety of reasons. Sexual activity normal y results in sex-

ual arousal and physiological changes in the aroused per-

son, some of which are pronounced while others are more

subtle. Sexual activity also includes conduct and activities

which are intended to arouse the sexual interest of another,

such as strategies to find or attract partners (mating and

display behavior), and personal interactions between indi-

viduals, such as flirting and foreplay.

Human sexual activity has sociological, cognitive,

emotional, behavioral and biological elements, including

physiological processes such as the reproductive mecha-

nism, the sex drive and pathology; sexual intercourse and

sexual behavior in all its forms; and personal bonding and

shared emotions during sexual activity (“Human Sexual

Activity,” 2020).

Socialization and Sexual Behavior

An embrace: context matters. Russian President Boris

Since sexuality is expressed through means learned by yeltsin (right) and President mintimer Shaimiyev (left) of socialization, social context is bound to influence sexual

Tatarstan congratulate each other on a treaty signed in

behavior. Socialization is the lifelong process of inherit-

1994 between Russia and Tatarstan on the delimitation

of powers between them. In a different context, the same

ing and disseminating norms, customs, and ideologies and

gesture could have very different connotations. (RIAN archive

providing an individual with the skil s and habits necessary

65537 Yeltsin and Shaimiyev by Alexander Makarov/RIA Novosti/Wikimedia

for participating within one’s own society. Socialization

Commons is used under CC BY-SA 3.0.) necessarily implies the inculcation of norms, or behaviors

that society marks as valued. Because socialization teaches

members of a society how to behave, behaviors that are not

successful y received. In other contexts, the hug could be

specifical y taught as normalized and social y acceptable

interpreted as sexual interest. Thus, social context is essen-

are marked as deviant (“Socialization,” 2020).

tial when one considers potential y sexual behavior.

Understanding Sexual Behavior

Socialization and Normalized Sexual Behavior

Individuals are taught to use social cues to interpret sex-

Because sexual behavior is influenced by socialization, what

ual intent. This is most obviously demonstrated in behav-

is deemed “normal” can vary widely across cultures. In

iors associated with flirtation. Flirting is a playful activity

some cultures, sexual activity is considered acceptable only

involving verbal communication and body language by

within marriage, although premarital and extramarital sex

one person toward another, used to sometimes indicate

are also common. Some sexual activities are illegal either

an interest in a deeper relationship with the other (“Flirt-

universal y or in some countries, and some are considered

ing,” 2020). In some social contexts, a hug could demon-

against the norms of a society. For example, sexual activity

strate platonic friendship, as in the case of two coworkers

with a person below some age of consent and sexual assault

hugging upon hearing the news that their project was in general are criminal offenses in most jurisdictions.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

• With regard to sexuality, socialization in the U.S. and Western

• In the current Western moment, heteronormative norms are

countries most notably adheres to heteronormativity, or the

privileged, meaning that heterosexual expressions of sexuality

marking of heterosexual unions as normal and homosexual

are more accepted than homosexual expressions. However,

unions as socially abnormal and deviant.

sexuality is not thought of in the same way across space and

• Religion, the law, and the media are three primary agents of

time; rather, different cultures and different historical moments

socialization that teach people how to behave sexually.

think of sexuality in entirely different ways.

• There is extreme variation in sexual expression across historical

• Kinsey developed the Kinsey Scale, which was a numerical

periods and cultures. This indicates that there are no universal

ranking of sexual behavior on a scale of complete heterosexual-

sexual norms.

ity to complete homosexuality.

SoCIAlIzATIon And HumAn SExuAlITy • 113

• Kinsey’s open discussion of sexuality in the 1950s contributed

• The phrase LGBTQ refers to the community of lesbian, gay,

to the sexual revolution of the following decade, in which

bisexual, transgender, and queer individuals.

social standards that limited sex to heterosexual marriage were

• Institutional discrimination involves the state and the law, while

loosened.

informal discrimination refers to social controls and prejudices.

• The Kinsey Report is frequently invoked to support the common

• In the United States, social disapproval of homosexuality is not

estimate of one in ten Americans being a homosexual.

evenly distributed throughout society. That being said, it is more

• The Kinsey Report was the largest study of norms in American

or less pronounced according to age, ethnicity, geographic

sexuality to its time, conducted by Dr. Alfred Kinsey.

location, race, sex, social class, education, political identifica-

• The development of oral contraception also contributed to the

tion, and religious status.

loosening of social regulations on sexuality.

• Civil unions are ceremonies that grant same-sex couples

• The sexual revolution was a social movement in which social

in some states legal equality, even if not by the name of

rules of sexuality became more lax.

“marriage.”

• The Kinsey scale is a numeric scaling of individuals along a con-

• Though some states have equal rights laws, many gay and

tinuum of complete heterosexuality to complete homosexuality.

lesbian couples are still denied the same marriage rights as

• The varying forms of these attractions are generally divided

heterosexual couples and cannot file joint taxes, share custody

into the following categories: heterosexuality, homosexuality,

of children, have hospital visitation rights, or inherit equally.

bisexuality and asexuality.

• The first organizations in the U.S. that worked to improve LGBT

• In place of these categories, some prefer to think of “queer”

issues were known as homophile organizations, such as the

sexual orientations; a broader term that refers to any non-het-

Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis.

erosexual form of sexuality. The heterosexual/homosexual

• Sodomy laws are laws against any sexual contact other than

binary is a continuum of complete heterosexuality to complete

heterosexual intercourse.

homosexuality, with bisexuality in the middle.

• The Stonewall Riots were riots in New York City in 1969 that

• Heteronormativity is the assumption that heterosexual orienta-

is frequently thought of as the start of the movement by LGBT

tions are normal to the exclusion of other sexual orientations.

people to decriminalize homosexuality.

• Sexual identity is an individual’s conception of their own

• In 1986, the U.S. Supreme Court found that states could crimi-

sexuality.

nalize homosexuality in Bowers v. Hardwick.

• The primary debate in conversations about sexual orientation is

• In 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Lawrence v. Texas that

whether sexual orientation is static or fluid, whether one is born

anti-sodomy laws violated an individual’s right to privacy.

with an immutable sexual orientation, or whether one develops

• In 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Obergefell v. Hodges

sexual orientation.

that states must license and recognize same-sex marriages.

• Sexual reorientation therapies seek to “convert” homosexuals

• Sexual behavior refers to the manner in which humans experi-

into heterosexuals.

ence and express their sexuality.

• Sexual reorientation therapies seek to convert “homosexuals”

• Individuals are taught to use social cues to interpret sexual

into “heterosexuals.”

intent. This is most obviously demonstrated in behaviors associ-

• Homophobia is expressed through prejudice and discrimination,

ated with flirtation.

which can either be institutional or informal.

• Human sexual activity has sociological elements. Social context

is therefore essential when one considers potentially sexual

behavior.

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Document Outline

- Intercultural Communication

- Recommended Citation

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Table of Contents

A Letter to My Students iv

CHAPTER 1

CHAPTER 2

CHAPTER 3

CHAPTER 4

CHAPTER 5

CHAPTER 7

FOUNDATIONS OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY

Identity Development 3

Difference Matters

EXPLORING SPECIFIC CULTURAL IDENTITIES 7

Interracial Communication

Gender 10

Sexuality 12

Ability 14

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION

Intercultural Communication: A Dialectical Approach 17

essentialize

motivation

antimiscegenation laws

Intercultural Communication and Relationships

gender

Intercultural Friendships

cognitive flexibility

intersectional reflexivity

REFERENCES 27

g (Yep, 2002

Table 1.2

Table 1.3

e Table 1.4 f

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION AND STEREOTYPING

Spontaneous Social Categorization 32

The Benefits of Social Categorization 33

INGROUP FAVORITISM AND PREJUDICE 38

The Outcomes of Ingroup Favoritism 39

Ingroup Favoritism Has Many Causes 40

authoritarianism

bogus pipeline procedure

common ingroup identity

stereotype

REDUCING DISCRIMINATION

contact hypothesis

interdependence

stereotype threat

Reducing Discrimination by Changing Social Norms 43

outgroup homogeneity

Moving Others Closer to Us: The Benefits of Recategorization 46

THINKING LIKE A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIST ABOUT STEREOTYPING,

REFERENCES 50

s (Cunningham, 2011